Khushal Khan Khattak Shaheed, Gakhars and Marathas

A relatively unknown episode of the Panipat war (1758-1761) containing the account of Khushal Khan Khattak Shaheed (the one who got martyred) and the Gakhar vassals of Durrani empire when Punjab briefly became part of Maratha empire.

In March 1758 Marathas, assisted by local Punjabis (Adina Beg and Sikhs) invaded Sirhind city of the Durrani empire. According to Tarikh-i-Alamgir Sani (a contemporary source), the Maratha army and their local Punjabi allies numbered more than 2 lakhs (200,000) and they easily captured Sirhind city.[1]

Punjab's governor Prince Timur Khan Durrani (who was then a young boy) and his regent Sardar Jahan Khan Popalzai realized that they would not be able to tackle huge Maratha army with their smaller force. Therefore, they abandoned Lahore and fled towards Peshawar. Maratha army and their local allies chased Afghans out of Punjab and established their rule up to the river Indus. But they only nominally ruled the Sind-Sagar doab (the region located between Jehlum River and Indus River) and Pothohar (the northern part of Sind-Sagar doab) became the contesting ground between the two powers. 

Gakhars

The Pothohar region of Punjab was ruled by Sultan Muqqarab Khan, the chief of Gakkhars (a Punjabi Muslim tribe). He had severed connections with Mughal empire in circa 1719 and ruled a vast territory as independent ruler till 1739 when he submitted to Nadir Shah Afshar and accompanied the latter to India [2]. He also acknowledged the suzerainty of Ahmad Shah Durrani when the latter annexed Punjab. In a letter dated to 18th June 1758, Raghunath Rao (a Maratha leader; brother of the Peshwa) writes that Muqqarab Khan Gakhar, Zabardast Khan Tanoli and other sardars of the region intended to rebel against Ahmad Shah Abdali and had written letters to him, assuring him that they were ready to enroll under Marathas [3]. It appears that Gakkhars and others were only testing the water. Because about the end of September 1758, Gakhars were reported to be attacking Maratha-ruled territory in concert with Afghans. Tarikh-i-Alamgir Sani reports that Afghans and Gakhars crossed River Jehlum, defeated Khwaja Mirza Khan (governor of Punjab on behalf of Marathas) and his Sikh allies, and captured Gujarat [4]. They were led by Nurrudin Bamezai, a general of Ahmad Shah Durrani. Marathas dispatched an army to deal with Afghans and their Gakkhar allies. On hearing the news of the advance of Maratha army from Lahore, Nurrudin Bamezai left Gujarat and retired to the east of River Jehlum [5].

Khushal Khan Khattak II

In April 1759 Maratha Generals Tukoji Holkar and Narsoji Pandit crossed river Jehlum and entered Pothohar. On Ahmad Shah Durrani's order, Khushal Khan Khattak II (the ruler of Teri) confronted invading Maratha force with his Khattak lashkar. At the site of Hasan Abdal (in Attock district), a fierce clash took place between Pashtuns and Marathas in which Khushal Khan Khattak got martyred and his army was defeated.

Muhammad Hayat Khan, the author of Hayat-i-Afghani (published in 1867), writes:

"When Marath army advanced towards Attock to fight Ahmad Shah, Khushal Khan, the ruler of Teri, confronted Marathas on behalf of Ahmad Shah Abdali and fell fighting against them at Hasan Abdal." [6]

There are many unknown graves of martyrs (who are referred to as 'Shaheeda Baba') in Hasan Abdal, they are most probably the graves of the martyrs of the above-mentioned battle. [7]

The above-mentioned Khushal Khan Khattak Shaheed was direct descendant of Khushal Khan Khattak of Aurangzeb Alamgir's times, a renowned Pashto poet. Tarikh-i-Khurshid Jahan gives his lineage as follow:

'Khushal Khan Khattak Shaheed son of Asad Khan son of Afzal Khan son of Ashraf Khan son of Khushal Khan Khattak.'

Khushal Khan Khattak Shaheed was also a Pashto poet. Abdul Hai Habibi has shared some of the ghazals of Khushal Khan Khattak Shaheed in his book 'Panbana Shuara'. The village of Khushalgarh in Kohat district, after which Khushalgarh bridge on Indus river is named, was founded by him.

References

1- 'Fall of the Mughal empire', by Jadunath Sarkar, Vol-2, p-72
2- Gakhar and later Khanpur (Jagir) Rulers and brief History (chiefacoins.com)
3- "Panipat: 1761" by Shejwalker, p-6.
4- 'Fall of the Mughal empire', by Jadunath Sarkar, Vol-2, p-77
5- 'Account of the kingdom of Caubul' by Mountstuart Elphinstone, p-551
6- "Hayat-i-Afghani" by Muhammad Hayat Khan, p-324
7- "Tarikh-i-Hasan Abdal" by Manzurul Haq Siddiqi, p-106
8- "Tarikh i Khurshid Jahan" by Sher Muhammad Khan Gandapur
9- "Ahmad Shah Durrani" by Ganda Singh

 

Khattak horsemen, 1878. Illustration from the magazine The Graphic, volume XVII, no 430, February 23, 1878.

Ahmad Shah Abdali's embassy to Beijing, China (1762)

In late 1762 Ahmad Shah Abdali sent an embassy to Beijing with a letter addressed to the Chinese Qing emperor Qianlong. The Afghan envoy presented the gifts of four horses to the Chinese emperor which were painted by Giuseppe Castiglione, the official court painter.

The text accompanying the paintings describes Afghans and Afghanistan as follow : 

"The Khan, Aihamotesha [Ahmad Shah], lives in the walled city of Kaidaha'er [Kandahar]. Aiwuhan [the Afghan country] is surrounded by mountains on all sides. It is full of rich fields. The people engage in agriculture. Local residents build their own houses and live spread out from each other. There is no record of a census having been made. They use shotguns, knives and long lances in the battlefield. They do not use bow and arrow. Among the Hui (Muslim) tribes they have long been declared powerful and prosperous. Recently again they annexed a neighboring tribe, Hindustan. They are growing bigger and stronger. 

In the twelfth month of the twenty-seventh year of the Qianlong emperor's reign , looking up to [the emperor's] majesty and virtue , Aihamotesha [Ahmad Shah] sent the envoy Hezhuomierhan with tribute horses. Their letter to the emperor was respectfully written on gold paper , and it had to be translated by the Siyi guan.

The people (Afghans) are tall and stout. They wrap their heads with silk that has decorative design. They wear brown, long-collared upper garments with a long brocade-rimmed, open-front overcoat. The women also wrap their heads with silk that has a decorative design and wear pearl-hair accessories. They wear long strings of pearls on their ears, which hang all the way down to their shoulders. Their upper garments have brocade borders. They are diligent in weaving and spinning. The region produces good horses. The four horses of their tribute are all seven Chi (three Chi are equal to 100 cm) tall and eight Chi long.  ["Writing Travel in Central Asian History" edited by Nile Green, p-107]

'Four Steeds of Aiwuhan [Afghan]' paintings by Giuseppe Castiglione are placed in the National Palace Museum, Taipei, Taiwan. Source

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History of the Tanoli tribe of Hazara

History of the Tanoli (Tanaoli) Tribe of Hazara

Majority of the Tanolis (or Tanaolis) insist on being of Pashtun origin but their rulers have accounted themselves to be of Barlas Mughal origin. Tanoli or Tanawali is actually an adjective denoting their abode Tanawal. They are divided into two divisions, Pul-Al and Hando-Al; the former occupies Lower Tunawal, and the latter Upper Tunawal. In 1907 they numbered 58,700 [1]. Although not usually acknowledged as Pashtuns, the Tanolis had by long association become assimilated with the Pashtuns in manners, customs and character. The tribal and cultural practices of the Tanolis closely resembled those of Pashtuns and all of them appeared to have spoken Pashto in the 18th century. Tanolis in Agror valley still speak Pashto language as their first language if not exclusively [2]. Captain E.G. Wase in 1868 reported that “majority of Tanolis have forgotten the Pashto tongue” but “those of the Tanoli villages on the bank of Indus, all speak Pashtu”. [3]

Tanawal in the 16th Century

H. G. Raverty, on the authority of Akhund Darweza, says that Tanawal or Tunawal was overrun by Khashi tribes of Pashtuns under the leadership of Ali Asghar in the latter part of Akbar’s reign, and its former inhabitants were expelled from some parts of Tunawal. [6]

Tanolis in the 18th Century

An Indian surveyor Syed Ghulam Muhammad visited Tanawal in 1780 and reported that Pashto language was spoken by its inhabitants and their chief Gul Sher Khan paid allegiance to Timur Shah Durrani. He writes:

“Tunawal is the name of a small territory lying on the east bank of the Aba-Sin... Latterly, according to some accounts, they have laid claim to be descended from the tribe of Birlas – Amir Timur’s own tribe.”

“Half a kuroh further you reach Derah-i-Gul Sher Khan... He pays allegiance to the Badshah of Kabul.”

“The Tunawal’s number about 20,000 families... Their chief places and seat of authority are Bir, Puhar, and Dera'h.” [4]

George Forester... mentions Gul Sher Khan (the chief of Tanolis) as “Mahometan of the Afghan tribe”. [5]

In 1752 AD, Zabardast Khan Tanoli joined Ahmad Shah Durrani in his conquest of India... [7]

Tribally allied with the Pashtuns they participated in the wars against the Sikhs and the British... [8]

References

1. Hazara Gazetteer 1907, p-29
2. “History of the Pathans”, By Haroon Rashid, Vol-6, p-34
3. Report of the Land Revenue Settlement of the Hazara District of the Punjab, 1868-74, p-74
4. “Notes on Afghanistan and Part of Baluchistan”, Henry George Raverty, p-275
5. A Journey from Bengal to England, vol-2, p-49
6. “Notes on Afghanistan and Part of Baluchistan”, Henry George Raverty, pp-275-276
7. “History of the Pathans”, By Haroon Rashid, Vol-6, p-36
8. Ibid, p-34
9. A Tanoli Afghan, 1861

Historical Images

A group of Tanoli tribesmen guarding a remote outpost on Amb State’s western boundary, October 1904. Photo by Aurel Stein.

Nawab of Amb and followers, Kaim Gulli, 1888 (c). Photo by Bourne & Shepherd.

Portrait of Nawab Zabardast Khan Tanoli from “Battle of Panipat in Light of Rediscovered Paintings.”

Nawab of Amb and Tanoli followers, Kaim Gulli, 1888 (c). Photo by Bourne & Shepherd.

A Tanaolee tribesman, Hazara, 1868. From Kaye & Watson collection.

Drawing of Nawab Khan, son of Sarbuland Khan Tanoli, 1870s.

Baloch proteges of Najib Khan Yousafzai

By Khan Barmazid



After Panipat war of 1761, Najib Khan Yousafzai, titled Najib-ud-daula, became the regent of Delhi. Najib's Baluch proteges formed a line of defence along the south-western frontier of his domain. The Baluch settlements were in the modern Rohtak district, -- such as Jhajhar, Bahadurgarh, Farrukhnagar and Tauru --- the petty Barons of which clung to Najib for protection against the growing menace of Jat expansion through Mewat towards them. Nur-ud-din, Najlb's biographer, writes; "The parganahs of Hariana such as Gohana, Rohtak, Dadrri, etc -- came into Najib's possessions. The Baluch zamindars of that district became obedient to him."

Musavi Khan Baluch, the lord of Farrukhnagar, led a contingent of over 2,000 of his clansmen, with whom he had joined Najib soon after the latter's entry into Delhi as regent. During the Panipat campaign he had aided the Afghan cause by closing the roads west of Delhi to the Marathas and cutting off their straggler convoys and couriers. The Maratha general from battle of Panipat, Antaji Manakeshwar, on his way home was killed by the Baluch zamindars of Farrukhnagar, as also was Baji Hari. The Baluch zamindars of Bahadurgarh and Farrukhnagar recognized Antaji Manakeshwar by his horse and dress as a chieftain and slew him. In November and December of 1763, we find Musavi Khan Baluch aiding Najib Khan in subduing the latter's refractory tenants in the Hansi-Hisar country.


Suraj Mal and the Baluchs

In the post-Panipat period, Suraj Mal Jat emerged as one of the most powerful and ambitious chiefs in the north. The absence of Najib-ud-Daula from Delhi owing to illness (May 1762), enabled him to continue his policy of expansion. Suraj Mal occupied Agra on 12 June 1761 and extended his authority across the Jamuna as far as Bulandshahar. West of capital he engaged in creating a small separate state for his son Jawahir Singh covering Mewat and Baluch lordships near Rewari.For about ten years Jawahir Singh, had been engaged in destroying the power of the Mewatis. One of the Mewati chief, Sanwaliya, took refuge with Asadullah Khan Baloch zamindar of Tauru, who himself was attached to Musa Khan Baloch of Farrukhnagar. Sanwaliya carried on plundering and created much trouble in the Jat territories. He used to share his booty with Asadullah Khan Baloch as the price of protection. 

Jawahir Singh told his father, Suraj Mal;" The Baluchis are giving shelter to Sanwalia. So long as I do not chastise them, they will not turn him out of their territory". Suraj Mal gave him permission to do as he liked. Jawahir Singh led an attack on the Baluch zamindar. Baluchs under Musavi Khan, opposed him. Taj Muhammad Khan Baluch arrived from Bahadurgarh to the help of Musavi Khan Baluch. In the ensuing encounter, Jawahir Singh, after an initial advantage, was eventually repulsed. This reverse exasperated him, and he informed his father: "So long I do not exterminate the Baluches, I shall not rest". A second and stronger expedition was sent.

Najib Khan wrote to Suraj Mal asking him not to touch the Baluchs who were his proteges. Suraj Mal replied that Baluchs deserve punishment, they have given protection to a highway robber in their home". Jawahir Singh advanced upon Farrukhnagar, wasting the villages on the way. Suraj Mal came up with reinforcements and a train of big guns, and in less than two months the fort was taken (12 December 1763). Musavi Khan issued with his family on a promise of safety but was arrested and confined. 

War between Suraj Mal and Najib Khan Yousafzai

Meantime, on receiving an urgent appeal for the relief from the Balochs, Najib Khan had written against the Jat Rajah to withdraw from the Baluch estates, who were dependent on him and on the borders of his own dominions. He himself was lying very ill at Najibabad , but set out for the scene of war, and reached Delhi on 14th December. But Farrukhnagar had fallen two days before, and all that Najib could do now was to write to Suraj Mal protesting against his unfriendly act in attacking the Rohilla chieftain's dependent, and adding, " Let what is past be past. You may keep the fort that you have captured. But it is not proper to hold Musavi Khan and his family in captivity. Suraj Mal declined and charged Najib Khan with harboring aggressive designs. He marched at the head of 30,000 strong army towards Delhi and arrived near the bank of river Hindaun. Najib with all his troops (below 10,000 men) took post on the west bank of Hindaun. Najib Khan had with him his brother Afzal Khan, son Zabita Khan, and nobles like Sa'adat Khan Afridi, Sadiq Muhammad Khan, Zaman Khan and Muhammad Khan Bangash.

Keeping bulk of his army facing Najib, Suraj Mal marched away with 5,000 horses under his own command, crossed the Hinduan four miles upstream and tried to penetrate Najib's rear. A furious battle raged for some time, with charges and countercharges. Suraj Mal himself with his personal staff, then rode forward to rally his shrinking men. But in crossing a nala left behind by the river, he fell into an Afghan ambuscade and was shot down with most of his companions by the Rohilla musketeers lying concealed in the Jhau bushes. The rest of that squadron broke and fled into the jungle, abandoning their horses to plunder. When the men of Najib Khan were pursuing the fleeing men, Sayyid Muhammad Khan Baluch (the brother of Musavi Khan Baluch) , nicknamed Saidoo, was also hotly engaged in pursuit. A Rohilla shouted to him; "Where are you going Sayyid Muhammad Khan? Here is Suraj Mal lying. I can recognize him". Saidoo got off his horse. The Baluch, having been harassed by Suraj Mal, had become blood-thirsty and so he drew his knife and plunged it tow or three times deep into the abdomen of Suraj Mal. He ordered his light horsemen to cut off his head, but his men gave so many blows at Suraj Mal's head that it was crushed into pieces.

The Jat force facing Najib, still continued firing guns. When Saidoo Baluch came up and boasted that he had slain Suraj Mal, none would credit it, as the entire Jat army was holding its ground as firmly as before. Three hours after sunset, both armies fell back to their encampments. Next day, at dawn, the spies brought the report that no trace of the Jat army could be found for 30 miles. Najib asked for proof of Suraj Mal's death. Saidoo cut off an arm from the corpse of Suraj Mal and showed it to Najib Khan. The Rohilla chief's envoys, who had visited Suraj Mal only a day before the battle, at once identified the body by the design of chintz cloth of his tunic and the mark of the amulet that the Jat Raja was known to have worn for years. Thus, all became convinced that Suraj Mal had been slain.



Books consulted

1- "Fall of Mughal empire", Vol-II, by Sarkar Jadunath Sarkar 
2- "An Account of Najib-ud-Daula"
3- "History of the Jats", by Qanungo
4- "The Ruhela Chieftaincies: The Rise and Fall of Ruhela Power in India in the Eighteenth Century", by Iqbal Hussain
5- Imperial Gazetteer of India, v. 12, p. 73.

6- GURGAON DISTRICT GAZETTEER - 1883-84, p-21


 

Sheesh Mahal of Farrukhnagar built by Faujdar Khan Baloch

Suraj Mal Jat

Nawab Muzaffar Khan Baloch of Farrukhnagar (r. 1785 - 1810)

Najib-ud-Daula, a brilliant Yousafzai

 
(Najib Khan was born about the year 1708 A.D in the village of Maneri in Swabi, about 25 kos from Peshawar. He belonged to the Umar Khel clan of the Sadozi, Utmanzi, Mandanrs)


After the Mughals lost their grip over their empire and before British came on the scene , the only serious attempt to take their place at Delhi was made by the Marathas under the leadership of of the Peshwas of Poona, and the only person who had the courage and the determination to stand in their way was Najib Khan, titled Najib-ud-Daula. He had no comparable resources of his own , either in men or money to fight so strong and powerful an enemy. But he depended solely on his own resources of his head and heart and on the resources of the Afghan sovereign, Ahmad Shah Abdali, to stem the tide of the Maratha aggression.

That is the historical importance of Najib Khan. Amongst a host of self-seeking petty Muslim chieftains busy with their own little ambitions , quarreling and squabbling over small things, employing foul means to gain their ends, he alone stands out as a man who could see farther than the others, who didnt dirty his hands with murder and rapine for private ends, and who was able to rally the strength of Afghans in India under the banner of Ahmad Shah Abdali , in addition, to get even the Persian nobleman Shuja-ud-Daula to march against the common aggressor  and thus give a Muslim colour to the struggle. The Marathas on their side also tried to give Hindu colour to the struggle by getting the Rajput and Jat princes to join with them, though the Jat Raja was as half hearted ally on their side as Shuja-ud-Daula was on the side of Abdali. Panipat, was therefore, a battle between two cultures and two nations, Muslims and Hindus. The Marathas tried their level best to break up the Muslim unity by diplomatic pressure exerted through their old ally Shuja-ud-Daula, who in his turn got the backing of the Rohilla chiefs under Hafiz Rehmat Khan , who grudged the supremacy of Najib-ud-Daula. They even got around Shah Wali Khan, the Wazir of the Afghan king but they failed to pierce the hard crust of Najib-ud-Daula's decision and strength of will, and so the battle of Panipat was fought. It became inevitable for Najib-ud-Daula to fight as he could not persuade himself that the Marathas when they asked for peace , had sincerely changed their heart and given up their dreams of an empire and supremacy in Northern India.

The battle of Panipat indeed gave another short lease of life to the tottering Mughal empire with Najib-ud-Daula trying in vain to keep the Jats and Sikhs off from Delhi. But that was not what Najib-ud-Daula desired. He wanted the Afghan king to follow the scattered Marathas to the South and crush their power. He wanted the Afghan king to annex the rich country of Malwa, and had Ahmad Shah the political imagination or ambition of Babur, or had he a disciplined following as Babur had, an Afghan dynasty might have been established at Delhi in place of the decadent Mughals.

So although Panipat stands out as a landmark in the history of subcontinent , it was really an infructous battle. It didnt decide any thing, and perhaps it helped to bring in a third party - the Britishers. For this Najib-ud-Daula had been condemned as a traitor to India. But to aid the British was not the aim of Najib-ud-Daula. The British didnt count them as a power to be reckoned with. So it could not have crossed the mind of Najib-ud-Daula that by the crushing the Marathas , he was helping the British to become supreme. Moreover, at that time neither the Hindu nor Muslim, was moved by what was expedient or served his own interest best at the time. When the Marthas had healed their wounds and surged up again towards the North, they decided not to attack Najib-ud-Daula, but to make him their ally and then to attack the Hindu Raja Nawal Singh. In the battle of Panipat itself , the Marathas had an eminent Muslim general , Ibrahim Khan Gardi, serving under them. Furthermore, the patriotic idea for fighting for one country or nation was foreign to India. At that time, the people of India knew one loyalty -  the loylaty to one's dharma, Iman, or religion. Najib-ud-Daula was true to his own convictions and by no stretch of imagination , can he be called a traitor. His character can be viewed from many angles. He was a skillful general, a shrewd diplomat and statesman and a good administrator. With a small force he dig himself in at Sukkertal and defied a large Maratha force under Dattaji Patel. With greater skill he pushed his troops forward at Panipat against the Maratha barrage of gun fire by raising earthen works from time to time to protect his troops. With great perseverance and endurance , he withstood the onslaught of the Jats, the Sikhs and Marathas under Jawahar Singh at the siege of Delhi. During one of his campaigns , as he was moving forward with shield in one hand and staff in the other, a bullet him on the shoulder , but he didnt flinch and continued to march forward. Inspite of the nobles warning him against treachery , he bravely crossed the river in a boat and interviewed the Jat Raja Suraj Mal, and made a pact of peace with him. He also intrepidly went over to the camp of Dattaji Patel , the Maratha general, to interview him and to dissuade him from his aggressive designs, and narrowly escaped capture. Instances of Najib-ud-Daula's tact and diplomacy can be multiplied. Chief of this was the way he persuaded Shuja-ud-Daula to go round to the Abdali side, though the Marathas were pulling him hard the other way, and Shuja-ud-Daula was trying hard to remain neutral at Mehdi Ghat. I have already stated that the Marathas when they came up again, instead of fighting Najib-ud-Daula, made him their ally. It was one of Najib-ud-Daula's big diplomatic deals. He had already retired from the active life  and handed over the administration to his son Zabita Khan, but coming of the Marathas in force, he got up from his sick bed and made contact with his old friend Holkar , the only link which he had in the Maratha camp , and was entirely successful , though his old foe Scindia tried his best to checkmate him. The odds were against him in the conference of Indian Sardars which Abdali called to discuss the Maratha offer of peace before the battle of panipat. Yet Najib-ud-Daula adroitly turned the tables on Shah Wali Khan , Abdali's Wazir. One should not run away with the impression that Najib-ud-Daula was a jingo or a war monger. He was all for peace. Throughout his career he never brandished arms in the face of the enemy. He always tried to settle things amicably. Only when negotiations failed did he take up arms to defend himself. He turned his face against peace with Marathas only because he was convinced that the Marathas did not intend to keep the peace. He was never afraid of being in a minority. As a young man, he shocked the old Afghan leaders Hafiz Rehmat Khan and Dundey Khan by pledging support to Imad-ul-mulk in his fight against Safdar Jang. Ragunath Rao flew into a rage because he refused to stop cow slaughter in his camp, but though out-numbered , he stood his ground and but for his friend, Holkar, he might have got into serious trouble with the Maratha general. In his last days , when he was camping with the Marathas, some Marathas looted his Rohilla soldiers. He at once ordered his camp to be struck and gave order to his troops to march back, and it was with great difficulty that Holkar offering apology persuaded him to stay.

This was the make-up of Najib-ud-Daula ---a man born to rule and to dictate ----as also to negotiate if it was possible to do so. Though extremely tough, he was at the same time very supple, and a good administrator to boot.

G.R.Williams, a Bengal civilian, in his "Memoirs of Dehra Dun" says, "that in 1757, Najib-ud-Daula crossing the Swalik, entered Dehra Dun (located in Uttarakhand province of India) . Pertab Sah, who was in possession of Dehra Dun, offered him very slight resistance. Although at that time owing to the raids of the Sikhs , Najib-ud-Daula could spare very little time for the administration of his faujdari of Saharanpur, yet he managed the Dehra Dun territory so well that the inhabitants appreciated his government. With Najib-ud-Daula came Muslims to live in the valley. But he never gave preference to one community over another. The rights of the older inhabitants were safeguarded by the government. Canals were built and wells were sunk ; land came under cultivation. Revenue went up and reached Rupees one lakh and twenty six thousands. At that time there were 500 taluqas in the valley. Now a good portion of the valley has been overgrown by jungle. But even now in the jungles , one finds broken tanks and mango groves which testify to the prosperity of the olden times. Trade followed in the footsteps of cultivation. Nagola, Rajpur, Bhagwatpuran, Thanoo, and Bharaporo are even now known as Hatnalas. 'Hat' was the word denoting market. And this appellation shows definitely that traders passed these places while taking their goods to the hills. But this period of prosperity came to an end in 1770 A.D , for in that year Najib died. After his death, Rajputs, Goojars, Siksh and Gurkhas ravaged this part of the country from time to time.

Faujdari of Saharanpur was administered so ably that the revenue from that quarter came to Rs.75,00,000/. He also manged the King's domain ---Meerut, Sikanderabad, Dasna etc., in a very efficient manner. In those days every village was a kind of fort , and mercenaries moved round from village to village , offering their military aid. Najib-ud-Daula had to take military action against one or two villages to recover the King's dues. To add to the general turmoil, Sikhs began to try their luck with small roving bands who constantly waged guerrilla war with Najib-ud-Daula and his officers, raiding here and there as they saw their chance and opportunity.  Najib-ud-Daula fought and fought well but he lacked the necessary moral and political support. He lacked the royal prestige. The Mughal king, in his whose name he manged the government, was a mere shadow, and even that shadow was rendered dim , because the king was hundreds of miles away at Allahabad. The real king was Abdali, but he again was an absentee and his soldiers hated to stay in India.  Najib's natural support were his Rohilla kinsmen. But they were not all of one mind. Hafiz Rehmat Khan was always intriguing against him.  He was jealous of Najib-ud-Daula. It was not Hafiz Rahmat Khan but Shuja-du-Daula who came to his help when he was besieged at Sukkartal by the Marathas. Hafiz Rahmat Khan placidly looked on and would have been well pleased to see him crushed.  In this state of things, whatsoever success Najib was able to achieve , was remarkable, and to the extent that he failed his failure was quite natural.

Najib-ud-Daula's place in history

Islamic culture was on the decline when Aurangzeb pulled himself together to re-invigorate it. Instead of using peaceful and diplomatic methods, he used force and thus wasted a lot of imperial strength on the rising Maratha power. After him there came Nadir Shah who gave the coup de grace to the remaining Mughal power. The way was thus cleared for the Marathas to sweep up Northward into the rich Gangetic valley. The small scattered Afghan settlements across the Ganges could offer no determined resistance. The Rohillas, as these Afghan settlers were called, fell back for help on the leader of their home people at Kabul, Ahmad Shah Abdali. Najib-ud-Daula was the spearhead of the local Afghan resistance and it was he who induced Ahmad Shah Abdali to come over to Delhi to help the Rohillas against the Marathas. It was Najib again who mobilized the local Muslim chiefs, including the Nawab Wazir of Awadh, Shuja-ud-Daula, under the Afghan banner at the Panipat.

Panipat was definitely a great blow to the Marathas, but Ahmad Shah failed to exploit the victory to the full, though Najib-ud-Daula pressed him to do so. Instead of going down south and extinguishing the remaining Maratha power, and establishing himself at Delhi in place of the Mughals , he returned to Kabul, leaving Najib-ud-Daulah in charge of Delhi. It was the British who took full advantage of Panipat and established themselves at Delhi instead of the Mughals. For the ten years during which Najib-ud-Daula was dictator at Delhi, he maintained good order and administration at the capital and its adjacent territories. Even the British acknowledged Najib-ud-Daula as a man of great sagacity , integrity and courage.

(Preface by Abdul Wahid Khan of  the book "An Account of Najibuddaulah" which is English translation of  18th century biography of Najib-ud-daula by Sayyad Nuruddin Hussain)

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"He (Najib) is the only example in Hindustan of, at once, a great and a good character. He raised himself from the command of fifty horse to his present grandeur entirely by his superior valour, integrity, and strength of mind. Experience and abilities have supplied the want of letters and education, and the native nobleness and goodness of his heart have amply made amends for the defect of his birth and family. He is now about sixty years of age, borne down by fatigue and sickness." (Mr. Verelst, to the Court of Directors, March 28th, 1768, ap. Mill.)

Najib-ud-Daula, from book of Ganda Singh