Balochs, 1919 (c). Photos by R.B.Holmes

An old Baloch, 1919 (c). Photo by R.B.Holmes

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Faqir Kala Khan Marri Baloch

When 6,000-strong Baloch army of Nasir Khan of Kalat was completely wiped out by Kakars

Pashtun soldiers of British-Indian army

Pashtun and Hazara soldiers of the British-Indian Army, 1898. From left to right: Khattak (Jamedar), Ghilzai (Havaldar), Mahsud (Sepoy), Hazara (Sepoy) and Kakar (Sepoy).

Pashtun and Baloch soldiers of British-Indian army, 1897. Photo by Fred Bremner. From left to right: Durrani Pashtun, Wazir Pashtun and Brahui-Baloch. The Durrani in the Photo is referred to as "Afghan"; in 1890s and early 20th century many British officials began to use the term Afghan exclusively for the subjects of Amir Abdur Rahman, Amir Habibullah, King Amanullah etc. of Afghanistan. Pashtuns from present-day Afghanistan (Durranis, Ghilzais etc.) also enlisted themselves in the British-Indian army. While those British officials used the word "Pathan" for Pashtun subjects of British-Indian government. This was obviously done so to create distance between Pashtuns on both sides of Durand line and to integrate Pashtuns under their rule with India.

Interesting historical titbits about Sher Shah Sur

 1- I will start by pointing out that the correct spelling of Sher Shah's tribal surname is Sur (سور), not Suri (سوري). This error was originally made by early European writers and repeated by others. In all the pre-modern inscriptions and sources, the nisba of Sher Shah is written as Sur. It is also spelled as Sur in all the pre-modern genealogical accounts of Pashtuns. Sur means red in Pashto. Suri is adjective of Sur (like Kabuli is adjective of the noun Kabul). 

2-   The following portrait of Sher Shah Sur belongs to the richly illustrated manuscript of "Tarikh i Khandan-i-Timuriya", prepared by the court painters of Mughal emperor Akbar. It is placed in Khuda Bakhsh Oriental Public Library in Patna. It is published by A. S. Beveridge in her English translation of Humayun-nama. It was made around circa 1570 AD. 

3- Farid Khan Sur (Sher Shah) had interest in promotion of education long before his ascendency to power. In 1520 AD, when he was a young man in his 30s, he built a gigantic madrassa at Narnaul (Mahendragarh district, Haryana state, India), called the Sher Shahi madrassa. [1]

 

4- Sher Shah Sur was the first and only ruler in Indian history who imposed conscription. [2]

 

5- Zaman Shah Durrani (grandson of Ahmad Shah Durrani) got offended by an inscription of Sher Shah Sur (c1486– 1545) at Rohtas Fort and had it erased. English explorer William Moorcroft visited Rohtas fort (Jehlum, Punjab) in 1823. He writes: 

"There was formerly a Persian inscription over one of the gateways of Rotas, recording the date of its construction by Shir Shah, and denouncing an imprecation upon any of his successors who should suffer it to fall into decay. Zeman Shah, it is reported, took offence at the tenor of the inscription , and commanded it to be effaced". [3]

6- The legendary Baloch figure Mir Chakar Rind had allegiance to Sher Shah Sur. Read this blog-post for further details.

 

7- The muzzles of Sher Shah's cannons were shaped like tiger's head. Read this blog-post for further details. 

 

8- The celebrated Yousafzai chief Gaju Khan at one point served under the banners of Sher Shah Sur In India. When Gaju Khan became the leader of his tribe, he refused allegiance to his former overlord. [4]

 

9- Sher Shah Sur's father was born in Pakhtunkhwa so he was born a second-generation Pashtun in India. Read this blog-post for details. 

 

10- The tomb of Sher Shah Sur's grandfather was built under the supervision of a Kundi Pashtun. Kundis live in Dera Ismail Khan and Tank districts of KP. [5]

 

11- The achievements of Sher Shah Sur can be gleaned from the letter of Mirza Aziz Koka (foster-brother of emperor Akbar and a high ranking Mughal noble) to emperor Jahangir in 1611 AD. He writes: 

"Sher Shah Afghan, who was not a 'malak' (angel) but a 'malik' (king), established such a stable government that his memory is still alive. He turned Hindustan into a garden and the kings of Iran and Turan developed a desire to see it. Hazrat Arsh Asyani (Akbar Badshah) continued Sher Shah's regulations for fifty years without changing them". [6]

In the above letter, Mirza Aziz Koka is expressing his respect for the Pashtun king by referring to him as 'Sher Shah' instead of 'Sher Khan' (Mughals viewed Sher Shah as an usurper and have always called him merely Sher Khan in their writings).

 

12- Sher Shah Sur had plans to conquer Safavid Persia in alliance with Ottomans. In 1544 Sher Shah Sur dispatched an envoy to Istanbul proposing a joint Pashtun-Ottoman attack on Persia. The plan for joint attack fell apart, however upon Sher Shah's death in 1545. [7]

 

13- Sher Shah Sur was a Pashto speaker. Pashtuns in 15th century India were settled as tribes so they were able to maintain Pashto for many generations. To encourage the preservation of mother tongue, Sher Shah gave higher salary to those soldiers who could speak it fluently. [8]

 

References:

 

1- "Education in Muslim India: Being an inquiry into the state of education during the Muslim period of Indian history (1000-1800 A. C.)" by S. M. Jaffar."

 

2- Warfare in Pre-British India – 1500BCE to 1740CE (Asian States and Empires)" by Kaushik Roy, p-127W

 

3- "Travels in the Himalayan Provinces of Hindustan and the Punjab, in Ladakh and Kashmir, in Peshawur, Kabul, Kunduz and Bokhara, from 1819 to 1825", Vol-2, p 310.

4- Barmazid on Twitter: "The celebrated Yousafzai leader Gaju Khan (ګجو خان) at one point served under the banners of Sher Shah Sur (شیر شاه سور) In India. This information is provided by Tarikh-i-KhanJahani wa Makhzan-i-Afghani (تاریخ خان جہانی و مخزن افغانی) as follow. "Kara had one son, called https://t.co/Y3RniwR8LX" / Twitter

5- Barmazid on Twitter: "The tomb of Ibrahim Sur (grandfather of Sher Shah Sur) in Narnaul (Haryana, India). It was constructed under the supervision of Aba Bakar Kundi, a Niazi Pashtun. Persian inscriptions on the mausoleum provide following historical information :- https://t.co/i5dcD4E2Ok" / Twitter

6- "Some Aspects of Afghan Despotism in India" by I.H.Siddiqui

7- "Mughal-Ottoman Relations: A Study of Political & Diplomatic Relations Between Mughal India and the Ottoman Empire, 1556-1748" by Naimur Rahman Farooqi, p-147

8- Tarikh-SherShahi, English translation by H.M.Elliot, p-135

A Baluch beggar, Kandahar city, Afghanistan, 1880.

A Baluch beggar, Kandahar city, Afghanistan, 1880. Photo by Benjamin Simpson. Source

Original caption: "Beluchi beggar - 'Dato Obolum Belisario". The Latin quotation in the caption, “Dato Obolum Belisario,” refers to the legend of Belisarius, a Roman soldier reduced to begging for alms.

The real particulars of the treaty between Nasir Khan (ruler of Kalat) and Ahmad Shah Durrani in 1758

Treaty of Kalat 1758 with fake details

No treaty on those terms in the following screenshot was signed between Mir Naseer Khan of Kalat and Ahmad Shah Durrani. The treaty with those particulars in the screenshot, is forgery by Baloch nationalists. An attempt has been made by them to pass off Kalat as a sovereign state, with no subservience to Ahmad Shah Durrani. However all historical facts point towards the truth that Kalat was a vassal state of Durrani empire in second half of 18th century. The 'Khan' of Kalat did not assume the royal title of 'Shah'. He neither struck coins in his name nor the Friday khutbas in Kalat were read in his name.

 

The real particulars of the the treaty of Kalat in 1758

Naseer Khan did try to get independence from Durrani empire in 1758 but he failed in his endeavour. So he entered into the vassalage of Ahmad Shah Abdali by concluding a treaty with the following terms : 

1- "The Brahui chiefs are not to interfere in the internal feud of the Saddozais, and are to be subservient to the reigning king. 

2- Should an Ahmadzai Brahui take refuge in the Durrani country, the Saddozais are not to support him against the Ahmadzai chief of Kalat; they are either to give him up to the latter or employ him about their persons.

3- The Saddozais are not to pursue any of their tribe who take refuge in the Brahui country." 

The above three clauses of the treaty are not from an Afghan source. It is from a Persian manuscript recorded by Mian Sibghatullah (a resident of the Kalat town) in 1838, translated into English by Robert Leech of East India Company. 

Naseer Khan was exempted from the tribute payment but as a vassal he was obliged to furnish his quota of troops in the campaigns of the Saddozai emperors. Note that other vassals of Ahmad Shah Durrani (rulers of Khurasan, Patiala, Jammu etc.) and many Pashtun tribes also enjoyed independence in their internal matters. 

Note that Afghan sources do not mention any such treaty occurring between Kalat and Kandahar.

Mir Chakar Rind : separating fiction from history

Mir Chakar Rind is often glorified as the “King of Baluchistan”, and some modern accounts bestow upon him the epithet "the great." However, a rigorous examination of history reveals a different picture. Far from a king, Chakar Rind appears to have been no more than a tribal chieftain, his stature inflated by legend and fiction. Even according to Baloch folklore, his power was limited to that of a tribal leader, as evidenced by his inability to defeat the Lashari tribe in a protracted thirty-year war. [1]

It is often claimed that Chakar Rind, at the head of forty thousand Rind Baloch warriors, joined forces with Mughal emperor Humayun to secure the Delhi throne for the latter. However, this claim not corroborated by any contemporary or near contemporary historical source [2]. Eyewitness accounts penned by Gulbadan Begum, Bayazid Bayat, and Jauhar Aftabchi, all of whom accompanied Humayun, make no mention of Chakar Rind. This conspicuous absence suggests that Chakar Rind was either of little consequence to Humayun's endeavors, or that he did not join the Mughal camp to begin with.

The claim that Mir Chakar Rind joined Humayun against Sur Afghans, is also not supported by the Baloch ballads recorded in 19th century by Longworth Dames and other British officials. In fact, Baloch ballads narrate tales of Chakar Rind and his sons waging war against Humayun Chughtai and his Mughal forces, and emerging victorious [3][4]. These legends are not corroborated by Mughal sources.

Who was the historical Chakar Rind? According to the Tabaqat-i-Akbari by Khawaja Nizamuddin Ahmad (compiled in 1593-94), Mir Chakar Rind arrived in Multan from the vicinity of Siwi (Sibi) with his two sons, Mir Allahdad and Mir Shahdad, in the early sixteenth century. Chakar Rind sought to enter the service of Sultan Mahmud Langah of Multan but was thwarted by Malik Sohrab Dodai, a favoured noble of the Langah Sultan. Subsequently, Chakar Rind departed from Multan and sought the protection of Jam Bayazid Sammah of Shortkot (in modern-day Jhang district, Punjab), a former wazir of the Langah Sultans who had pledged allegiance to Sultan Sikandar Lodi. Jam Bayazid granted him a jagir from the royal lands (of the Lodi sultan?), likely Satgarah. The relevant passage in the Tabaqat-i-Akbari reads as follows:

"About this time Mir Chakar Rind came to Multan from the direction of Siwi (Sibi) with his two sons Mir Allahdad and Mir Shahdad. Mir Shahdad was the first man who promulgated the Shia religion in Multan. As Malik Suhrab Dudai was held in great honour by the Langahs, Mir Chakar Rind could not remain there; and sought an asylum with Jam Bayazid. As he was the head of a clan, Jam Bayazid received him with much honour, and bestowed on him and his sons a part of the territory which was in the Khalsa or crown land." [5]

Thus, we learn that Mir Chakar Rind was merely a jagirdar serving Jam Bayazid during the reign of Sultan Sikandar Lodi. The author of the Tabaqat-i-Akbari characterizes him as a clan leader rather than a former king.

Mir Chakar Rind is also mentioned in the Tuhfa-i-Akbarshahi, a biography of Sher Shah Sur compiled around 1580 AD by Abbas Khan Sarwani at the behest of Mughal Emperor Akbar. This source reveals that Chakar Rind was an official of the Suri empire and served as an administrator of the town and pargana of Satgarha (located in modern-day Okara district, Punjab) during the 1540s under the authority of Sher Shah Sur. Haibat Khan Niazi, Sher Shah's governor of Punjab, once visited Chakar Rind, who became apprehensive due to insufficient preparation time. The relevant passage in the Tuhfa-i-Akbarshahi reads as follows:

 

“When Sher Shah had laid siege to the fort of Raisin, he received a letter from Khawas Khan saying that he and Niazi had developed some differences between themselves. “The letter contained a request that Sher Shah should, therefore, summon one of the two. Having gone through the letters of Khawas , Sher Shah summoned Khawas Khan, Isa Khan Niazi and Habib khan. Then he conferred the country of Punjab on Haibat Khan Niazi and ordered him to rescue and rehabilitate Multan which had been usurped by the Balochs. He was also to chastise Fateh Khan Jat of Qabula, who had been, during the Mughal period, laying waste to the country up to Panipat. As soon as Haibat Khan received these orders, he summoned the representative of Chakar Rind – The hakim (حاکم) of Satgarah. The representative was told to go and inform Chakar Rind that Haibat khan Niazi was going to tour those areas. Chakar should be prepared to present his contingent for review. One who related the story that he had heard it from Wakil Fateh Khan Kanbo that when he went to Chakar Rind and disclosed to him what Haibat Khan Niazi has said, the former was thrown in panic, he had no time either to a reception or to put together the ‘lashkar’ as demanded. At this time Haibat Khan Niazi was merely two day’s distance away. Next morning the news came that Haibat Khan Niazi had already arrived. Hearing this, Chakar became nervous, although he did manage to get on his horse and to go out to receive the dignity.” [6]

The above passage from Tuhfa-i-Akbarshahi indicates that Chakar Rind was far from being an independent and powerful king of a vast realm. Instead, he was a subordinate of the Punjab governor, his estate limited to the pargana of Satgarh. There are no Mughal records of Mir Chakar Rind and his progeny pertaining to events after 1555 AD, suggesting that they were ignored by the Mughals due to their former affiliation with the Sur Afghans. He died at Satghara and is buried there.

References

1- "Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal", Vol-49, Part 1, p-140
2- "Popular Poetry of the Baloches" (1907), by M.Longworth Dames, Vol-1, p-32
3- Ibid, p-33
4- "Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal" (1880), Vol-49, Part 1, p-142
5- Tabaqat-i-Akbari", translated into English by Brajendranath De, Volume III, pp.804-804.
6- "Afghans of the Frontier Passes: A Study in the Historical Geography of Sibi and Dhader in the Balochistan Province of Pakistan" (1992), by A.Aziz Luni, Vol-1, p-86

Maueloum of Chakar Rind at Satgarha

Source

Tomb of Panju Khan Khajjak

Tomb of Panju Khan Khajjak (Sibi district, Baluchistan). He was a contemporary of Timur Shah Durrani.

"Three Khajjak headmen of the time- Sardar Panju Khan Hamimzai, Jangi Khan Doulatzai, Itabar Khan Umarzai - are mentioned in a royal Afghan farman which is dated 1179 A H /1782 A.D. In this farman each of them has been granted one Pao of water along with the proportionate agricultural lands in Siwi area in addition to their ancestral share in the common tribal property. Sardar Panju Khan was son of Qaim Khan son of Nihal Khan son of Azmat Khan son of Mir Khan son of Hamim Khan son of Khajak." ["Afghans of the Frontier Passes", A. Aziz Luni , Volume 2, p-200]

"In Sibi tehsil (now a district), the Pathans have adapted themselves to local conditions and have forgotten even their language and they mostly speak Sindhi. Only Khajjaks living in the village of the same name speak Pushto and Sindhi both" [Population Census of Pakistan, 1961] ..... "The Khajaks of Sibi speak Pashto which has a mixture of Sindi words, and the Panri Afghans speak Sindi in their homes" [Baluchistan District Gazetteer Series: Sibi, 1907 - Page 49].

"The Khajaks were originally located in Mekhtar, which is now held by the Hamzazai Kakars. Expelled thence, they settled in the Siwi district, where they were assigned land and water by their kinsmen. Afterwards, however, they picked a quarrel with the Barozais and other Panis, in the course of which they got the upper hand. In consequence they considered themselves without rivals in those parts, and hence their proverb: "Although the Kakars may coquette in the hill tracts, the Khajaks lord it in the plains." [Census of India, 1901, Parts 1-2, p-93]

" ln March 1841, Mr. Ross Bell, the Political Agent in Upper Sind sent Colonel Wilson of the Bombay Cavalry to collect the arrears of revenue due from the Khajjaks of Sibi, on behalf of Shah Shuja. On Khajjaks refusal, the British army attacked the town, but were repulsed with heavy loss, losing fifty- three men killed and wounded and four officers including Colonel Wilson. Reinforcements from Bhag were sent under General Brooks but before they could arrive, the Khajjaks abandoned their town, the defences of which were then demolished. The Khajjaks were permitted to return during the following year and the town was rebuilt. The power of the Khajjaks was thus weakened, and shortly afterwards the Marris acquired a footing in the Sibi district. They dispossessed the Pannis of Badra and Quat-Mandai and overran Sangan." ["Baluchistan District Gazetteer Series: Sibi, 1907, p-26 and p-63]

History of Quetta or Kwatta’h

Kwatta’h (کوټه) in Pashto means 'a mound, a heap, a pile of earth, stones, etc'. The town of Afghan district of Shal was called Kwattah from its being situated on a mound. English writers erroneously called the town Quetta. A story is told by Brahuis that that Ahmad Shah Abdali in conferring the district on the mother of Nasir Khan, Bibi Mariam, said “this is your shal,” i.e., your present.” This statement does not have any historical evidence. The historical incidences show that Shal is an ancient name, and the place was known by this name a thousand years ago. Geographers of the Islamic period have mentioned this region, which stretches from Mastang to Seyoon, as Walishtan.  Arab traveler Abu Abdullah Mohammad bin Maqdasi, writing in 898 AD, name the cities of Walishtan as Eishin (Pishin) Asbedja, Mastung, Shal, Sekeera, and Seywa (Siwi or Sibi). He repeats these names in page 297 of his book. Shal is also mentioned in 'Tarikh-nama-i-Herat (written in 1318 AD) to be a place in Afghanistan in the narration of events of 1250 AD.  According to historian Allama Habibi," It (Shal) is not a new name and the people of Kandahar, until the present time, call the fruit merchants of Quetta as Shaalkotyan. Kote is an old Pashto word which means a fortress and Shaal Kot means the fortress of Shaal".

Babur in his memoirs mention Shal and Mastung.... "Shah Beg (Arghun) went towards Shal and Mastung , Muqim towards Zamindawar". .... ("Baburnama", p-337, English translation by Annette.S.Beveridge)

Shah Beg Arghun (d. 1522) was expelled from Kandahar in 1517 and he established himself at Shal, and at Sibi (Siwi). From these bases, he conquered Sind in 1520.

Gulbadan-Begum (sister of Emperor Humayun) mentions Shal and Mastung in the biography Humayun-nama ;

".... The emperor (Humayun) was stupefied and bewildered, and said: 'What is to be done? where i am to go?' They all consulted together. Tardi Muhammad Khan and Bairam Khan gave it as their opinion that it was impossible to decide to go anywhere but to the north and Shal-Mastun(g), the frontier of Qandahar. 'There are many Afghans in those parts', they said , 'whom we shall draw over to our side." (Humayun-nama, English translation by Anetta.S.Beveridge, p-165) 

Mughal badshah Humayaun bestowed the districts of Shal-Mastung on Lawang Khan, the Baloch, but who Lawang Khan was, history does not relate. Between 1556 and 1595, Kandahar and its dependencies remained under the Safavid kings of Persia and in the latter year were again acquired by the Mughals. [Baluchistan District Gazetteer Series: Quetta-Pishin, Page-33]

According to Ain-i-Akbari of Abu Fazal (written around 1590 AD), Shal & Mastung was dependency of Kandahar in later half of sixteenth century.  Shal had mud fort at that time and its lands were assessed at four and half tumans in money, 940 sheep and 780 kharwars in grain. The Kasi Afghans and Baluchs of Shal- Mastung had to furnish 1,000 horse and 1,000 foot.

In the reign of Shahjehan (1628-1655) Rajo and Zangi, Rind chiefs raided Shal by way of the Bolan. They were defeated by the Kasis after a severe engagement about three miles south of Quetta. Since then the small stream of Zangi Lora was given its name, as the action took place at its source when Zangi, the Rind chief, was killed. (Memoir on Kalat by G.P.Tate as quoted by A.Aziz Luni in 'Afghans of the frontier passes' p-228)

During the lifetime of Shah Hussain Ghilzai (Reign 1725-1738) , Mihrab Khan, the Khan of Kalat, had encroached upon the Afghan district of Shal, or Shal Mastung and had possessed himself of its town and of its fort situated on high mound. Shah Hussain, the Ghilzai King of Kandahar, determined to recover it and reduce the rebellious Baluch to submission. Setting out from Kandahar, In the beginning of 1145 H (June or July 1733) , with a force composed of Afghans and Hazarah levies, he first crossed the Kojzakk Kotal and reached Pushang (Pishin) . He first crossed the Khojak Pass and reached Pushang or Pishin. The fort there again put into an efficient state of defense ; and the Ghilzai king left a garrison to hold it, after which he crossed Kotal-i-Gaz into Shal. The Baluchis retired into the fort on Kwatah. They sallied out under their leader Salar Khan; however, he was defeated. After another sally having again been unsuccessful some days after, the Baluchis under cover of night, evacuated the place and made for Mastung and Kalat. Shah Hussain occupied the fort of Shal with 500 Jazailchis and a body of 200 cavalry under Sher Dil Khan Babuzai and then pushed on to Mastung. ("Notes on Afghanistan and part of Baluchistan", pp-611-612)

When Ahmad Shah Abdali became king, the valley of Shal formed a part of his dominions and the office of Arbab was conferred upon Muhammad Thalib Kasi. Mahbat Khan Brahui of Kalat killed him when he was at village Katir. News of the occurrence immediately was dispatched to Kandahar, and Ahmad Shah summoned Mahbat Khan to Kandahar to explain how he came to slay the Shah's representative in Shal.  (Memoir on Kalat by G.P.Tate as quoted by A.Aziz Luni in 'Afghans of the frontier passes' p-229)  

Qazi Nur Muhammad Kalhora (a servant of Mir Nasir Khan) in his Jangnama contends that Ahmad Shah Abdali, on return from one of his Indian campaigns, on a written request from Mir Nasir Khan, granted Shal to and also sanction some cash awards for the Brahui Mujahids. Kasis say Shal always remained theirs. Compiler Hatu Ram, also, on page 624 of his Tarikh-i-Baluchistan (1907) quotes a Sanad granted by Ahmad Shah Abdali to Tarin Afghans in which the Shah incidentally acknowledged the fact that Shal valley belongs to Kasi Afghans. This the compiler considers an astonishing statement especially in view of the common impression that Ahmad Shah Abdali bestowed Shal on Naseer Khan Brahui. Hitu Ram therefore, conjectures that it is quite possible that the Shah subsequently restored Shal to Kasis because of his annoyance at the subsequent rebellious conduct of Mir Nasir Khan. Hitu Ram also quotes a document given to Kasis by Nasir Khan I in which the precise outer limits of the Shal valley (owned by Kasis) were defined. This shows that at least Abdali and Nasir Khan both considered the valley of Shal to be a legitimate possession of the Kasi Afghans. (Afghans of the frontier passes by A.Aziz Luni, p-229)

Description of Quetta by Sir Keith Alexander Jackson who was a captain in the Fourth Light Dragoons in the British army, part of the Anglo-Indian force that set out for Afghanistan from British India in December 1838:

"Kwettah , the capital of the Beloochie province of Shawl, is a small town surrounded by a wall of mud; the houses are built of the same material, and are but few in number, the population being poor and inconsiderable. In the centre, is the citadel, where is the residence of Governor: it is built upon an elevation, overlooking the town, which may be about four hundred yards across. There are four gates in the wall surrounding it, which open on to a very luxuriant part of the valley. The situation of Khettah, from its proximity to the mountains, is grand and striking. It was from this part of the valley , during its occupation by the Bengal column by the army , that the Kakur (Kakar) freebooters carried off about fifty of the commiserate camels ; they were pursued by a party of troops of the 2nd light cavalry , and a company of native infantry, but without a success, as the booty had been driven into the mountains , and no trace of them could be discovered. They afterwards made another sally from their mountain fastness's, and carried off some camel that were grazing, belonging to the troops. Sir John Keane and Shah Shoojah , on their arrival, shortly afterwards, made Kwettah their headquarters. The gardens surrounding the town are full of English flowers and fruits, and its vicinity abounds in the buttercup and cyanus, and many other varieties of English field vegetation. "

H.G.Raverty in his article "Kwatah (Quetta) and the Afghans", published in Geographical Magazine, 1877 (p-286), writes.

"A series of letters, signed "T", have lately appeared in Allen's Indian Mail, on "Quetta", so-called, which I have read with some interest, particularly No.IV, ; and, with your permission, I will say a few words on the same subject, which may tend to remove some misunderstanding and correct some errors.

It is not surprising that the writer of the letter in question has found a map of the boundaries of Afghanistan "in which Quetta and the whole valley of the Shahdezee Lora (Shawl) is included in Afghanistan; indeed, Mastoong is also coloured as belonging to the Afghans." He, doubtless, is aware how the boundaries in Elphinstone's are coloured. In that map "Quetta" and the "district of Shawl" is included in Afghanistan, together with part of the Dasht-i-Be-Daulat , as far south as Sar-i-Ab; but Mastang is included in Baluchistan. This is not to be wondered at, for more reasons than one. The tract in question is part of Afghanistan and is peopled by Afghan clans of the great tribe of Kakar, while south of Sar-i-Ab, the people are Baluchis.

The chief town of the district of Shal is, correctly called Kwatah – an Afghan word – with the peculiar t (ټ), which sound is obtained by reverting the point of the tongue to the palate and is similar to the Sanskrit ta. The word signifies "a mound", "a heap", "a pile of earth, stones, or rocks", as given in my Afghan dictionary; and anyone who has ever seen the place, or seen a view of it, must have perceived it, at a glance, the appropriateness of the name.

That Shal, or Kwatah, "has been included in Afghanistan" is not to be wondered at. The district, as noticed before, is peopled by Afghans; and the true south-eastern half or portion of the boundary of the Afghan country is clearly defined by a range of mountains somewhat in the shape of a bow, with the apex to the south, stretching from Dajal, near the Indus, in the southern Derah-jat, to Sar-i-Ab. All the people north of it are Afghans: all to the south Baluchis.

Elphinstone says, "Shawl is inhabited by a tribe of Caukers called Cassye (Kasi Kakars) ; but, as it was granted by Ahmed Shauh to Nausser Khaun , the Prince of Beloches, it is no longer to be considered as part of the Afghaun country." This is not quite correct : the tract in question was only placed temporarily under the control of the Baluch chief by Ahmad Shah , as a vassal and tributary , who acknowledged the suzerainty of the Durrani empire ; and , up to the downfall of the Sadozi monarchs , that vassalage was observed , and a contingent of Baluch troops was furnished to the Durranis , to the number of 7500 horse and camel sawars , in time of war. The Wazir, Fath Khan, Barakzi, was the last who appears to have coerced the Baluchis for rebellion, when he restored Shah Mahmud to the throne, and when the Sadozi fell, and the Barakzi brothers divided their sovereign's dominions among themselves, the Baluch chiefs seems to have gradually shaken off or weakened the bonds of their Afghan yoke, which the later Barakzis were never after inclined or able to enforce. "

'Kwettah', 1839 (c).

Quetta, view looking to the fort with hills in the background ,1880.  From Macnabb collection

Ploughing land, Quetta, c.1910. Old postcard

The Bruce road, Quetta, c.1920

Turkish Bath In Quetta ,1918

Fruit market at Quetta Bazaar in 1900. Photo by Fred Bremner

Brahui family, Quetta, c.1916

Gardens in summer, Quetta, 1920s. Postcard photo.

The High Street in Quetta, with a shop selling 'American boots', 1930s. Photo taken by an RAF pilot.

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Baloch proteges of Najib Khan Yousafzai

By Khan Barmazid



After Panipat war of 1761, Najib Khan Yousafzai, titled Najib-ud-daula, became the regent of Delhi. Najib's Baluch proteges formed a line of defence along the south-western frontier of his domain. The Baluch settlements were in the modern Rohtak district, -- such as Jhajhar, Bahadurgarh, Farrukhnagar and Tauru --- the petty Barons of which clung to Najib for protection against the growing menace of Jat expansion through Mewat towards them. Nur-ud-din, Najlb's biographer, writes; "The parganahs of Hariana such as Gohana, Rohtak, Dadrri, etc -- came into Najib's possessions. The Baluch zamindars of that district became obedient to him."

Musavi Khan Baluch, the lord of Farrukhnagar, led a contingent of over 2,000 of his clansmen, with whom he had joined Najib soon after the latter's entry into Delhi as regent. During the Panipat campaign he had aided the Afghan cause by closing the roads west of Delhi to the Marathas and cutting off their straggler convoys and couriers. The Maratha general from battle of Panipat, Antaji Manakeshwar, on his way home was killed by the Baluch zamindars of Farrukhnagar, as also was Baji Hari. The Baluch zamindars of Bahadurgarh and Farrukhnagar recognized Antaji Manakeshwar by his horse and dress as a chieftain and slew him. In November and December of 1763, we find Musavi Khan Baluch aiding Najib Khan in subduing the latter's refractory tenants in the Hansi-Hisar country.


Suraj Mal and the Baluchs

In the post-Panipat period, Suraj Mal Jat emerged as one of the most powerful and ambitious chiefs in the north. The absence of Najib-ud-Daula from Delhi owing to illness (May 1762), enabled him to continue his policy of expansion. Suraj Mal occupied Agra on 12 June 1761 and extended his authority across the Jamuna as far as Bulandshahar. West of capital he engaged in creating a small separate state for his son Jawahir Singh covering Mewat and Baluch lordships near Rewari.For about ten years Jawahir Singh, had been engaged in destroying the power of the Mewatis. One of the Mewati chief, Sanwaliya, took refuge with Asadullah Khan Baloch zamindar of Tauru, who himself was attached to Musa Khan Baloch of Farrukhnagar. Sanwaliya carried on plundering and created much trouble in the Jat territories. He used to share his booty with Asadullah Khan Baloch as the price of protection. 

Jawahir Singh told his father, Suraj Mal;" The Baluchis are giving shelter to Sanwalia. So long as I do not chastise them, they will not turn him out of their territory". Suraj Mal gave him permission to do as he liked. Jawahir Singh led an attack on the Baluch zamindar. Baluchs under Musavi Khan, opposed him. Taj Muhammad Khan Baluch arrived from Bahadurgarh to the help of Musavi Khan Baluch. In the ensuing encounter, Jawahir Singh, after an initial advantage, was eventually repulsed. This reverse exasperated him, and he informed his father: "So long I do not exterminate the Baluches, I shall not rest". A second and stronger expedition was sent.

Najib Khan wrote to Suraj Mal asking him not to touch the Baluchs who were his proteges. Suraj Mal replied that Baluchs deserve punishment, they have given protection to a highway robber in their home". Jawahir Singh advanced upon Farrukhnagar, wasting the villages on the way. Suraj Mal came up with reinforcements and a train of big guns, and in less than two months the fort was taken (12 December 1763). Musavi Khan issued with his family on a promise of safety but was arrested and confined. 

War between Suraj Mal and Najib Khan Yousafzai

Meantime, on receiving an urgent appeal for the relief from the Balochs, Najib Khan had written against the Jat Rajah to withdraw from the Baluch estates, who were dependent on him and on the borders of his own dominions. He himself was lying very ill at Najibabad , but set out for the scene of war, and reached Delhi on 14th December. But Farrukhnagar had fallen two days before, and all that Najib could do now was to write to Suraj Mal protesting against his unfriendly act in attacking the Rohilla chieftain's dependent, and adding, " Let what is past be past. You may keep the fort that you have captured. But it is not proper to hold Musavi Khan and his family in captivity. Suraj Mal declined and charged Najib Khan with harboring aggressive designs. He marched at the head of 30,000 strong army towards Delhi and arrived near the bank of river Hindaun. Najib with all his troops (below 10,000 men) took post on the west bank of Hindaun. Najib Khan had with him his brother Afzal Khan, son Zabita Khan, and nobles like Sa'adat Khan Afridi, Sadiq Muhammad Khan, Zaman Khan and Muhammad Khan Bangash.

Keeping bulk of his army facing Najib, Suraj Mal marched away with 5,000 horses under his own command, crossed the Hinduan four miles upstream and tried to penetrate Najib's rear. A furious battle raged for some time, with charges and countercharges. Suraj Mal himself with his personal staff, then rode forward to rally his shrinking men. But in crossing a nala left behind by the river, he fell into an Afghan ambuscade and was shot down with most of his companions by the Rohilla musketeers lying concealed in the Jhau bushes. The rest of that squadron broke and fled into the jungle, abandoning their horses to plunder. When the men of Najib Khan were pursuing the fleeing men, Sayyid Muhammad Khan Baluch (the brother of Musavi Khan Baluch) , nicknamed Saidoo, was also hotly engaged in pursuit. A Rohilla shouted to him; "Where are you going Sayyid Muhammad Khan? Here is Suraj Mal lying. I can recognize him". Saidoo got off his horse. The Baluch, having been harassed by Suraj Mal, had become blood-thirsty and so he drew his knife and plunged it tow or three times deep into the abdomen of Suraj Mal. He ordered his light horsemen to cut off his head, but his men gave so many blows at Suraj Mal's head that it was crushed into pieces.

The Jat force facing Najib, still continued firing guns. When Saidoo Baluch came up and boasted that he had slain Suraj Mal, none would credit it, as the entire Jat army was holding its ground as firmly as before. Three hours after sunset, both armies fell back to their encampments. Next day, at dawn, the spies brought the report that no trace of the Jat army could be found for 30 miles. Najib asked for proof of Suraj Mal's death. Saidoo cut off an arm from the corpse of Suraj Mal and showed it to Najib Khan. The Rohilla chief's envoys, who had visited Suraj Mal only a day before the battle, at once identified the body by the design of chintz cloth of his tunic and the mark of the amulet that the Jat Raja was known to have worn for years. Thus, all became convinced that Suraj Mal had been slain.



Books consulted

1- "Fall of Mughal empire", Vol-II, by Sarkar Jadunath Sarkar 
2- "An Account of Najib-ud-Daula"
3- "History of the Jats", by Qanungo
4- "The Ruhela Chieftaincies: The Rise and Fall of Ruhela Power in India in the Eighteenth Century", by Iqbal Hussain
5- Imperial Gazetteer of India, v. 12, p. 73.

6- GURGAON DISTRICT GAZETTEER - 1883-84, p-21


 

Sheesh Mahal of Farrukhnagar built by Faujdar Khan Baloch

Suraj Mal Jat

Nawab Muzaffar Khan Baloch of Farrukhnagar (r. 1785 - 1810)

The conquest of Baluchistan by Shah Hussain Hotak

In 1733 the ruler of Kalat encroached upon the Pashtun territories and succeeded in capturing the fort of Quetta. When the news of the invasion reached the ears of Shah Hussain Hotok (king of Kandahar), he set out from Kandahar with an army to dislodge Balochs from Shal and reduce them to submission. His force was composed of Pashtun and Hazara levies. He first crossed the Khojak Pass and reached Pishin. He put the fort at Pishin into an efficient state of defence and left a garrison there to hold it. Then he crossed Kotal-I-Gaz into Shal (the present-day Quetta district). Balochs sallied out from the fort of Quetta under their leader Salar Khan and clashed with Hotak army but were defeated. After few days, they made another sally which was also unsuccessful. After some days Balochs evacuated the place under the cover of night and made for Mastung and Kalat. Shah Hussain Hotak left a force of 500 jezailchis and a body of 200 cavalry under the command of Sherdil Khan Babuzai and then pushed on to Mustang.

Balochs abandoned Mastung and fled towards Ganjaba-Kachhi area and Kalat. Shah Hussain Hotak occupied Mastung and issued orders to pursue Balochs. A body of the Baloch fugitives was overtaken by the Afghans on the boundary of the Kalat district. Baloch men took to the hills and left their families, cattle, flocks and other property in the hands of the Afghan force under Asadullah Khan Ishakzai Hotak. The latter left the women and children unmolested but took possession of the cattle and flocks.

When a body of Baloch fugitives reached Kalat, Mehrab Khan (the Khan of Kalat) expecting that the next movement of Afghans would be against the Kalat, tendered his submission and sent offerings of horses and other presents to Shah Hussain Hotak. Sher Khan Baloch (the ruler of Nauhski) and Mohabat Khan (chief of Ganjaba) also submitted and tendered their allegiance to the Hotak king. The Khan of Kalat agreed to restore the cattle he had carried off from Pishin and Shorawak and to make the losses sustained by the people of Shal. He also had to furnish a contingent of 5,000 men whenever the sovereign of Kandahar required troops; and to give up some chiefs as hostages for the performance of these terms. This ratified, Shah Hussain Hotak returned to Kandahar, taking five chiefs along with him as hostages. 

Quetta fort, 1839. Source

An imaginary portrait of Shah Hussain Hotak

Ruins of Kalat fort

References

1- Raverty, "Notes on Afghanistan and Balochistan:
2- Haroon Rashid, "History of the Pathans, Vol-III

Khajjak tribe

According to Makhzan-i-Afghani of Naimatullah Haravi [composed in 1612 A.D], Khajak was one of the 18 sons of Panni, son of Dani, son of Ghurghusht. The Khajjaks and some of the Panni clans have been invariably mistaken by the British writers for the Kakars. Charles Masson turns the Khajjaks into a Baloch tribe.

The Khajaks speak Pashto which has a mixture of Sindi words while other Panni clans of Sibi district speak Sindi in their homes.

According to the revenue statement of Khajjak elders, they used to live in Mekhtar area beyond Tal-Chotiali plain in the present-day Loralai district. About 1700 A.D, six of their leaders came to Siwi along with their flocks. Once, when some Baloch people forcibly took away a herd of camels of the then ruler of Siwi (Sibi) , the Khajjaks battled with the Baloch robbers and, defeating them , restored the herd of stolen camels to the rulers of Siwi. The latter, in recognition of services rendered, gave Khajjaks lands and water in Siwi area. On the given land they built themselves dwellings, which afterwards became known as the villages of Khajjaks , situated about eight miles northeast of Sibi. Khajjaks, being late-comers, did not participate in the 17th century Pannai-Brahvi or Afghan-Baloch battles fought during the 17th century and times of the renowned hero Mirza Khan Barozai and his adversary Mir Ahmad Khan Brahvi, the then Khan of Kalat.

According to manuscript of Mullah Muhammad Shadozai (compiled in 1766 A.D), the Khajjaks were given eight 'paos' of water in Sibi area by Ahmad Shah Abdali since they had not received any share in the conquered land as they had not taken part in the battle against Arghuns. During the reign of Ahmad Shah Abdali, the Khajjaks exploited the Barozai internal disunity and flouted the writ of the Barozai chiefs. They pestered the Barozai, and created hurdles in the administration of the Sibi territory. In 1762 A.D, Muhammad Khan Barozai proceeded to Kandahar and complained to Ahmad Shah Abdali of the maltreatment meted by the Khajjaks to his elder brother Ismail Khan, and latter's son Isa Khan Barozai. He also complained about the uncooperative attitude of the Khajjaks because of which the administration suffered. On return from Kandahar he demanded his share of revenue from the Khajjaks who slew him.

It is during Taimoor Shah's period that Khajjaks gained a popular saying in the local populace that "though the Kakars may conquer in the hills, the Khajjak lord it in the plains". They started harassing and destroying their own Afghan kinsmen. To such a degree of power had the Khajjsk risen, and so great was their influence, that in 1813 when Ahmad Yar Khan , Sarfraz Khan and Maizainub, fled from the protection of Mahmud Khan , ruler of Kalat, they took refuge with the Khajjak chief, Mir Khan. The Khan of Kalat followed the fugitives with an army and sat down before the Khajjak capital, but would not risk an assault, and eventually came to an amicable agreement through Mir Khan's good offices. Later in Mehrab Khan's times, Khajjaks succored refugees from Kalat, and were similarly threatened by an investing army , which at last retired without coming to blows. Mir Khan Khajjak was a hard-headed person. He began other Panni clans as they had done with the Barozai. In 1812-13 he looted and destroyed the village of the Maraghzanis (Pannis) who had to seek refuge with the Dehpal Pannis. In this raid the Khajjak Mir Khan Khajjak was slain by a matchlock ball. In 1817, the Khajjaks further consolidated their supremacy in the region by defeating the Brahuis.

Soon after the above-mentioned showdown with the Brahuis, the Khajjaks cut off the Barozai water supply from the Nari river to their own use. Habib Khan Barozai being unable to control Khajjaks, was obliged to abandon Sibi. The Kandahar's sardars sent the notorious Haji Khan Kakar with an army to demand the arrears due since the dismemberment of the Durrani monarchs. Khajjks bribed Haji Khan Kakar to destroy their enemy Habib Khan Barozai who was then living in the village of Kurk, 4 miles from Sibi. Haji Khan Kakar accordingly seized him and gave him over to the Khajjaks, who put him to death. His brother Sadullah Khan Barozai fled with his three nephews (Bakhtiar Khan, Shakur Khan and Misri Khan) to Kandahar but their complaints were for long unattended to. At length Sadullah Khan was ordered to return to Siwi and Kachhi and collect the revenue as his forefathers had done. The Khajjaks persuaded him that Haji Khan alone had been the cause of his brother's death, and for some years they gave him a small portion of the tribute, but having quarreled with him for demanding the whole amount, Khajjks slew him. In the ' Battle of Jangjah ' near the Nari gorge, Khajjaks violated a Quranic oath which they had undertaken in the Safi mosque near the shrine of Akhund sahib north of Kurak village, and attacked the Barozai who were busy in clearing the irrigation channel. In the battle twenty-one Barozais were killed. The nephews of the slain Sadullah Khan Barozai flew to Lehri , and sought the protection of the Domki Balochs where they remained for years ; but reduced to extreme poverty, were at last compelled to throw themselves on the mercy of their enemies for subsistence, and the Khajjaks saw with pride the descendants of the Barozais, once the governors of Siwi and Kachhi, and their masters, now begging at their gates. For a year or two they were permitted to reside in the Siwi town , but then sent to Kurk. Later Kohandil Khan the Kandahari sardar, in compensation for murder of their father , granted them one 'pao' of water and 40 kharwas (unit of weight) of grain from the government revenue in 1826.

The in-fight helped the Balochs to encroach upon Panni lands and later drove them out of some of the important tracts. There is no evidence to show that Khajjaks ever defended other Panni clans from the raids and forays of their Baloch neighbors. They helped the Marri Balochs in double squeeze of the Panni clans in Sibi tract. The elders of the area refer to this period of Sibi as 'Highhandedness of Marris and Khajjaks'. Shakur Khan Barozai asked all Afghans of Sibi tract to shift to Kurak to meet the threat from the Marris and Khajjaks. In response besides the Barozai , the Kuraks and Safis who were already there, the Mizris, Maraghzanis, Dehpals and Lunis all shifted to Kurak village. However it was an exercise in futility as they lacked central leadership that could lead them in action.

In 1839, Misri Khan Barozai tendered his services to Shah Shuja and was taken into British service with a number of his followers, who were styled incorrectly the "Baloch Levy." In March 1841, Mr. Ross Bell, the Political Agent in Upper Sind, deputed one of his assistants with a detachment of troops under the command of Colonel Wilson of the Bombay Cavalry to collect the arrears of revenue due from the Khajjaks of Sibi on behalf of Shah Shuja. The detachment was accompanied by Misri Khan, and on the Khajjaks refusing to comply with the demands, attacked the town, but were repulsed with heavy loss, losing fifty- three men killed and wounded and four officers including Colonel Wilson. Reinforcements from Bhag were sent up under General Brooks, but before they could arrive the Khajjaks abandoned their town, the defenses of which were then demolished. The Khajjaks were permitted to return during the following year and the town was rebuilt. In 1840, Hart states that the Khajjaks purported to number from 700 to 1000 fighting men.

The Barozais, weakened by conflict with Khajjaks, lost Badra and Kwat-Mandahi valleys to Marri Balochs. Said Khan, chief of Badra, in 1842, fell fighting against the Marri invaders while defending the Badra and Kwat Mandahi valleys.

The Khajjaks considered Misri Khan Barozai responsible for their defeat at the hands of British. In 1855 Fateh Khan led the Khajjaks in a raid on the Barozai village of Kurak to avenge Misri Khan's role in bringing the British force in 1841 and causing destruction of their village. The Khajjak lashkar took up position three miles west of village Kurak. Over-confident, Fateh Khan Khajjak detached a band of his men to hide in a dry nullah running east of Kurak village with a view to ambush the fleeing Barozai, while his main force, supported by cavalry, attacked the Barozai from the west. After a fierce battle, the Khajjaks who could not get any help from from a large part of their force that was lying in wait for an ambush far away from the battlefield, were defeated. The leaders of both sides were killed in the battle.

Sardar Muhammad Khan, the Khajjak chief, refused to pay land revenue to the agents of Amir Sher Ali Khan of Afghanistan. They (Durranis) drove off the cattle belonging to the clan of Khajjak. The latter gave them a chase, caught up with them near the Bolan village of Kirta and forcibly retrieved their cattle.  In 1872, the Khajjaks openly refused to accept the writ of Amir Sher Ali Khan of Afghanistan who didn't give them any protection against the Marris. They stopped payment of the land revenue. The Amir sent a force that took the Sardar, along with Sardar Azad Khan Khajjak, as a hostage to Kandahar for payment of revenue due from the Khajjaks.

Sources:

1. A.Aziz Luni, "Afghans of the frontier passes", 2 Volumes
2. Haroon Rashid, "History of the Pathans" , Vol-III
3. Baluchistan District Gazetteer Series: Sibi district, compiled by Major.A. McConaghey
4.  MacGREGOR, "North-West Frontier Province", Vol-II