This blog by Barmazid features articles on the history of the Pashtun people as well as images of historical importance related to Pakhtunkhwa and its people
Sardar Abdullah Khan Alkozai (or Alakozai) served as the governor of Kashmir for the Durrani Empire from 1796 to 1800. He then ruled Kashmir independently from 1802 to 1807. In 1798 he commissioned a richly illustrated manuscript of Pashto diwan of Rahman Baba. It is dated to 14th October 1798 and has 47 illustrations. One of the illustrations portrays Abdullah Khan Alkozai and his court.
Sardar Abdullah Khan Alkozai surrounded by his courtiers, Kashmir, 1798 AD. Source
The vast majority of the officials in the above painting appear to be Pashtuns belonging to the ruling Durrani tribe. They are wearing traditional Pashtun turbans, shirts, and waistbands. The turbans are of similar design but with some variations; 16 men are wearing six different color patterns, perhaps indicating the different sub-tribes of Durranis. They are wearing long boots, which were popular footwear in the Khurasan region. The high-ranking officials are sitting on a raised platform under the open sky in a garden. Abdullah Khan Alkozai is leaning against a round pillow. The painting shows that Pashtun Durrani courts were simple but elegant.
Kashmiri shawls reached the far corners of Europe due to Abdullah Khan Alakozai. A relevant anecdote regarding this narrates that in 1796.A.D, Syed Yahya from Baghdad visited Kashmir. After paying his visit to various religious places of valley he decided to leave. But before his return Abdullah Khan Alakozai presented him the Kashmiri Shawl. The presented Shawl finally reached to Napoleon. From that very day the demand for Kashmiri Shawls at international level increased and France emerged as the biggest exporter of Kashmiri Shawls. France took eighty percent of the exported share alone. Within a calculated period of time these beautiful Shawl wraps became fashionable item for the Western people [1]
Abdullah Khan was held in high regard by both Kashmir and Durranis. His contemporary Mountstuart Elphinstone, who visited Afghanistan in 1809, attests to that as follows:
"He was a man of good talents and great courage. He is still spoken of with affection by the Cashmerians, and by the Dooraunees who have served under him. He is commended for his love of justice and his skill in administering it; for his liberality, his affable manners, and his princely magnificence. He was also a great encourager of learning and poetry. Perhaps no Dooraunee has left a character so generally admired." (An account of kingdom of Caubul", p-596)
Portrait of Ahmad Khan Bangash, 18th century painting. It was Acquired by an English collector at Fatehgarh in 1794. The inscription on the verso in ink: “Portrait of Aimut Cawn (sic.) Bangaish, Nabob of Furruckabad, father to the present Nabob Muzzuffer Jung – 1794. Futtygur [Fatehgur] 2nd Novr.” .
Source: 'Indian court painting' by Oliver Forge and Brenden Lynch.
Parvez Mahmood (a writer for Friday Times) believes that Adina Beg Arain (a Punjabi Muslim who was contemporary of Ahmad Shah Abdali) never collaborated with Afghans of Punjab because they were inherently deceitful and because they were plunderers.
Adina Beg did collaborate with Indo-Afghans of Punjab once he became the governor of Punjab. According to Ibrat-nama of Ali-ud-Din (written in 1850), Adina Beg persuaded the Afghans of Kasur, Daulpur, Jalandhar and Alwalpur to join him in eradicating Sikh marauders in 1758. 1
Pervez Mehmood is simply repeating Sikh and Indian narrative in his article. There is not a single primary account which suggests that Adina Beg was hostile to Afghans and Indo-Afghans because of their supposed deceitful nature or because they plundered Punjab.
Indo-Afghans of Punjab were the most potent force against Sikh marauders in 18th century. They had long history of assisting their Mughal overlords in rooting out the Sikh marauders, protecting the lives of Muslims of Punjab and restoring peace to Punjab.
Indo-Afghans of Punjab were not forces of disruption so Adina Beg could not collaborate with them for his schemes of disrupting peace of Punjab (to undermine Mughal and Afghan authority). For disrupting law and order of Punjab, he used Sikhs. Once Adina became governor of Punjab, he no longer had any need for disruptive and marauding forces like Sikhs and called upon the Indo-Afghans of Punjab as well as other Muslim and Hindu zamindars of Punjab to restore peace.
Deceit and plunder did not bother Adina Beg. He himself employed deceit on number of occasions and collaborated with jathas of Sikhs, who were the greatest plunderers of all. He also summoned Marathas to Punjab and gave them and Sikhs a free hand to plunder Sirhind. 2
Adina Beg refused the summon from the court of Timur Khan Durrani's court at Lahore because (1) earlier he had agreed to govern Jalandhar Doab on behalf of Afghans on the condition that he would not be required to attend the court (2) because he was up to no good and feared that Jahan Khan (the regent of Prince Timur) had figured him out. Adina Beg had ambition to become governor of Punjab himself so he undermined Afghan rule of Punjab simply for that reason, just like previously he had undermined Mughal rule over Punjab. It had nothing to do with the supposed deceitful nature of Afghans.
Punjabi nationalists and liberals on social media often claim that Waris Shah — the 18th-century Punjabi poet — referred to his contemporary, Ahmad Shah Durrani, as a “rabid dog of Kabul” or “Kabuli dog” in his poetry. To verify this, I researched the matter and read several translations of Waris Shah’s Heer. To my surprise, I found no evidence in his poetry to support such claims. It became clear to me that Waris Shah’s work has been grossly misinterpreted and misused.
What I found was that Waris Shah derisively likens men and women to various kinds of animals throughout his poetry. In one or two instances — depending on the version — he compares a group of aggressive women to Kabuli dogs, implying that they were as fierce as the female dogs of the Kabuli breed. This comparison is not intended as a reference to Ahmad Shah Durrani, the Afghan people, or their invasion of Punjab. It is also important to note that Ahmad Shah Durrani’s homeland and capital was Qandahar, not Kabul. Consistently, Waris Shah refers to him and his army as Qandahari in his verses.
The following is the relevant screenshot with Urdu translation:
As mentioned earlier, Waris Shah consistently refers to Ahmad Shah Abdali and his troops as Qandaharis throughout his poetry. In one instance, he describes the Qandaharis as having occupied Punjab, and in another, he identifies the conqueror of Punjab as a Qandahari. Notably, these references to Ahmad Shah Durrani and the Qandaharis are entirely free of any mocking or derogatory tone.
Relevant screenshots from the translated Heer are as follows:
Narratives promoted by Punjabi nationalists and Indians often portray the Sikhs as heroic defenders of Punjab against foreign invaders. Given this portrayal, one might expect Waris Shah’s poetry to praise their virtues. However, contrary to this expectation, Waris Shah’s verses often present a strikingly different perspective. For instance, he mocks the Jats (Sikhs), describing them as iman-farosh (ایمان فروش) — faith-sellers — as well as thieves and highway robbers.
Waris Shah was, in fact, deeply troubled by the rise of the Sikhs in Punjab. He wrote that by 1766–67 CE, the Jats (Sikhs) had become the dominant chieftains of the region. Under their rule, the Ashrafia — the noble families — were reduced to ruins, while the base and lowly prospered. Thieves rose to the rank of Chaudhris, women of ill repute disguised themselves as the righteous, and bands of malevolent individuals flourished.
The term Jat appears in Waris Shah’s couplets, but it is evident that he is referring to the Sikh Khalsa — primarily composed of Jats — who had established their dominance over much of Punjab by 1767. Elsewhere, he laments the decline of the Muslim Ashrafia, a consequence of the Sikhs’ rise.
Waris Shah himself was a Sayyid, belonging to Punjab’s Ashrafia. Naturally, he resented the downfall of the Ashrafia and the ascendancy of those he regarded as kameen (base and lowly). The Sikhs were particularly harsh toward Punjab’s Sayyids, Pirs, and Mullahs. As Sikh power grew, the influence of the Sayyids diminished.
Interestingly, Waris Shah counted the Pashtuns among the shurafa (nobility) of Punjab. Many of these Pashtuns lived in Punjab and spoke Pashto, as is evident from his poetry.
One such Pashtun settlement in Punjab was Kasur. Waris Shah, who received his education there, was deeply grieved by its devastation at the hands of the Sikhs. On Twitter, I came across a Punjabi nationalist claiming that Ahmad Shah Durrani was responsible for the destruction of Kasur. This is incorrect. The Afghans of Kasur were, in fact, staunch allies of Durrani. It was Sikh marauders who plundered and burned Kasur in 1763 and again in 1770.
An Important Note
The poetry of Waris Shah has been subject to distortion over time, with later generations — including Sikh contributors — adding to it. Therefore, it cannot be regarded as a fully reliable historical source, and no part of it can be definitively attributed to Waris Shah himself.
Sikhs owed their rise in 18th century to Adina Beg Arain, a Punjabi Muslim noble in the service of Mughals. The latter was a saboteur and believed in "chaos is a ladder''. He used Sikh marauders to destroy the law and order of Punjab to pave the way for his rise to power. The cost of his dangerous games was the suffering of his own Punjabi Muslims at the hands of Sikh Khalsa who in those years were extremely anti-Muslim. Mughals even in late 1740s and early 1750 had the means and power to easily exterminated the menace of Sikh marauders but Adina Beg backstabbed his Mughal masters and made sure that Sikh marauders were not eliminated. When Adina Beg finally became the governor of Punjab for Maratha empire, he decided to get rid of the Sikh marauders, but he suddenly died due to a disease and could not finish the monster he had nurtured.
Nurturing of Sikh marauders by Adina Beg
Sometime after the invasion of Nadir Shah Afsar, Zakariya Khan (the Mughal governor of Lahore subah) appointed Adina Beg as Nazim (governor) of Jalandhar Doab and ordered him to crush the Sikh marauders there who were not powerful at that time. Adina Beg did the opposite, he nurtured the Sikh marauders. James Browne, writing in 1787, says : "The force he (Adina Beg) had him was fully equal to the execution of that service, but Adina Beg, considering that if he should entirely put an end to all disturbances in that district, there would remain no necessity for continuing him in so extensive a command, carried on intrigues with the chiefs of the Sicks (Sikhs), and secretly encouraged them to continue their depredations, at the same time pretending to be very desirous of subduing them. From this management the Sicks became daily more powerful and seized upon several places in distant parts of the subah of Lahore". This short-sighted silliness had repercussions for him. Due to the devastation and lootings by Sikhs (facilitated by Adina beg himself) in Jalandhar Doab, Adina Beg could not realize revenue from the people. He failed in paying his revenue to the Lahore government. He was dismissed from the governorship of Jalandhar Doab and was thrown into prison. After an year of imprisonment, Zakariya Khan released him with a warning and appointed him deputy governor of Jalandhar Doab under Shahnawaz Khan (son of Zakariya Khan).
Adina Beg had plans to bring ruin upon Mughals. In 1747 he encouraged his master Shahnawaz Khan (then governor of Lahore subah) to open communications with Ahmad Shah Abdali, while at the same time he informed the Delhi Wazir that Shahnawaz was turning rebel against the authority of the Mughal emperor and that he had invited help of Ahmad Shah Abdali. The author of Siyar-ul-Mutakherin (written in 1780) writes: "the advisor of the young viceroy (Shahnawaz Khan) was Adina Beg Khan, who was a devil under the appearance of a man. He was resolved to overset his master's power and to raise his own on its ruins.
In 1748 Mir Mannu (the new Mughal governor of Lahore subah) appointed Adina Beg as faujdar of Jalandhar Doab. Mir Mannu ordered Adina Beg to eliminate the Sikh marauders, but the latter undermined the authority of Mughals and "began as formerly to intrigue with the Sicks and took no effectual means to suppress them" (James Browne, 1787 AD). Kaura Mal (a Nanakshahi Sikh in the service of Mughals) advised Mir Mannu that he should reconcile with Sikh marauders. He said: "The Sikhs always cause confusion and disorder. It will be advisable, if you settle something for these people. They will not create disturbances, and I will be responsible for it" (Tarikh-i Ahwal-i Sikhan of Khushwaqt Rai, Witten in 1811 AD). Adina Beg who wanted disorder in Punjab and troubles for Mughals at the hands of Sikhs, disagreed with the advice of Kaur Mal and said to Mir Mannu: "Goodness to evil doers is doing evil to good people". However, Mir Mannu heeded the advice of Kaura Mal and granted Sikhs one-fourth revenue of Patti. In December 1751 Ahmad Shah Abdali entered Punjab and laid siege to Lahore. After four months, Mir Mannu called a council of war and asked them to come up with best plan of action against the besiegers. Kaura Mal pointed out that Mir Mannu's troops were no match in open for the hardy Afghans, and that Abdali's camp was also short of provisions, and that shortly afterwards hot Indian summer would set in, which will be unbearable for Abdali's troops, and he would either return or attack them at disadvantage. This was a wise plan but Adina Beg was up to no good and he recommended immediate action against the besiegers. Mir Mannu agreed with Adina Beg, issued from the city and attacked Abdali's camp. According to Farhat-un-Nazirin (written in 1770 AD), Adina Beg instructed one of his men to shoot Kaura Mal from behind. When Kaura Mal was shot dead by his man, Adina Beg (who commanded the entire left wing of the army) treacherously deserted his post and fled to Lahore city along with his entire contingent, heavily contributing to the defeat of Mir Mannu. The latter surrendered to Ahmad Shah Abdali who installed him in the governorship of Lahore on his behalf.
After some time, Mir Mannu dispatched Adina Beg against Sikhs who were ravaging Jalandhar Doab again. Adina Beg was viewed with some suspicion because of his treacherous conduct in the latest battle with Ahmad Shah Abdali. So, to dispel the suspicions, he used to send 40 or 50 Sikh captives from Jalandhar Doab to Mir Mannu from time to time. John Malcolm in 1810 writes: "That able but artful chief (Adina Beg) considered this turbulent tribe (Sikhs) in no other light than as the means of his personal advancement. He was careful not to reduce them altogether, but, after defeating them in an action which was fought near Makhowal, he entered into a secret understanding with them, by which though their excursions were limited, they enjoyed security to which they had been unaccustomed, and from which they gathered strength and resources for future efforts.
In 1757 Afghans began to directly rule Punjab and restored peace and order for few months. Jahan Khan (the regent of Timur Shah Durrani) made the mistake of appointing Adina Beg as faujdar of Jalandhar Doab, conceding to him the privilege that he would not be required to attend the court at Lahore. Adina Beg began to undermine the Afghan government through Sikhs just like he had undermined the previous Mughal government. When the disturbances caused by Sikh marauders increased, Jahan Khan summoned Adina Beg to devise means for subduing Sikhs. But Adina Beg flatly refused to come. He had also defaulted in paying the tribute of Jalandhar Doab. Jahan Khan realized that Adina Beg was mal-intentioned, so he sent a detachment to seize him. Adina Beg had no choice but to openly join his Sikh allies and resist Afghans. He and his Sikh allies succeeded in driving out Saadat Khan Afridi from Jalandhar city and plundered all the Jalandhar Doab. Panth Prakash by Rattan Singh (written in 1840) is very unauthentic and poor source of history. But if Sikh traditions in that source are to be believed, then Adina Beg was complicit in the genocide of the Punjabi Muslims of the Jalandhar city. According to Panth Prakash, Adina Beg made a deal with Sikhs according to which Sikhs got the license from him to massacre the Muslims of Jalandhar city, and in return he would get their military help against the Afghans. Adina Beg took an oath on Quran in front of Sikhs for assurance. According to Panth Prakash of Rattan Singh and that of Gyan Singh, Sikhs spared Hindus but massacred all the Muslims of Jalandhar city (except young Muslim women who were forcibly converted to Sikhism). They put to sword even Muslim infants and children. They defiled the mosques in the city with pig's blood.
Adina Beg realized that he cannot entirely depend on Sikhs to oust Afghans from Punjab, so he invited Marathas to invade and annex Punjab, promising them to pay them one lakh of rupees for every day of marching and Rs.50,000 for each day of halt. In March 1758 the combined forces of Marathas and Adina Beg (which largely comprised of Sikhs) totalled two lakh fighters and they easily captured the Sirhind city. The author of Tarikh-i-Alamgir-Sani (written in c1759) writes: "As the Marathas and the Sikhs thought of nothing but plunder, they so thoroughly looted the inhabitant of Sirhind, high and low, that none, either male or female, had a cloth on his or her person. They pulled down the houses and carried off the timber. They dug up floors for buried treasures and seized everything they could lay their hands on".
Marathas occupied Punjab and expelled Afghans. They entrusted Adina beg with the governorship of the Punjab on promising on annual tribute of 75 lakh rupees. Adina Beg had to collect 75 lakh of rupees, which he had to pay to the Marathas; and this huge sum could not be collected if Sikh marauders were allowed to loot peasants and merchants. Sikhs had not ceased their marauding activities. They were no longer of any use to Adina Beg who now had the backing of vast empire of the Marathas. As governor of entire Punjab, Adina Beg called upon the leading Muslim and Hindu zamindars and chiefs in every part of the province in eradicating Sikh marauders. Ahmad Shah of Batala in his Tarikh-i-Hind (written in 1830) writes: "Adina Beg ordered that in no district or parganah should Sikhs be allowed to live, they should either be killed or captured. Mirza Aziz Bakhsh was one of his most trust nobles. Adina Beg appointed him to this duty at the head of several thousand horse. He also entrusted him with one thousand carpenters with steel hatchets and axes for the purpose of cutting down and clearing away the jungles and forests where Sikhs used to seek shelter, so that no hiding place might exist for the people of this exist. "
Sikh marauders had grown exponentially in the last 17 years, thanks to the Adina Beg. Consequently, he launched extensive operations against the Sikhs, employing unconventional strategies. This resulted in severe famine in Punjab in July-August 1758. Adina Beg attempted to eliminate the Sikhs by starvation, deliberately cutting off food supplies to the Majha region. Ali-ud-Din Si, in his Ibrat-namah (written in 1850), states: 'In the Majha region, wheat was scarce, even at two seers per rupee. Adina Beg Khan blocked grain imports from Malwa to starve the Sikhs, further escalating prices. This measure severely impacted the poor, forcing them to migrate. Ironically, despite this, the Sikhs continued to grow in strength.".
On 15th September 1758, Adina Beg died anticlimactically after succumbing to an attack of colic. He governed Punjab only for five months which were consumed in his attempt of eradicating Sikh marauders.
Did Adina Beg have hatred for Afghans and Indo-Afghans? Response to Pervez Mehmood
Parvez Mahmood, a Punjabi-Muslim writer for Friday Times, asserts that Adina Beg never collaborated with Afghans of Punjab because they were inherently deceitful and because they were plunderers 1. But Adina Beg did collaborate with Indo-Afghans of Punjab once he became the governor of Punjab. According to Ibrat-nama of Ali-ud-Din (written in 1850), Adina Beg persuaded the Afghans of Kasur, Daulpur, Jalandhar and Alwalpur to join him in eradicating Sikh marauders in 1758. 2
There is not a single primary account which suggests that Adina Beg was hostile to Afghans and Indo-Afghans because of their supposed deceitful nature or because they plundered Punjab. Indo-Afghans of Punjab were not forces of disruption so Adina Beg could not collaborate with them for his schemes of disrupting peace of Punjab (to undermine Mughal and Afghan authority). For disrupting law and order of Punjab, he used Sikhs. Once Adina became governor of Punjab, he no longer had any need for disruptive and marauding forces like Sikhs and called upon the Indo-Afghans of Punjab as well as other Muslim and Hindu zamindars of Punjab to restore peace. Deceit and plunder did not bother Adina Beg. He himself employed deceit on number of occasions and collaborated with jathas of Sikhs, who were the greatest plunderers of all. He also summoned Marathas to Punjab and gave them and Sikhs a free hand to plunder Sirhind. 3
Adina Beg refused the summon from the court of Timur Khan Durrani's court at Lahore because (1) earlier he had agreed to govern Jalandhar Doab on behalf of Afghans on the condition that he would not be required to attend the court (2) because he was up to no good and feared that Jahan Khan (the regent of Prince Timur) had figured him out. Adina Beg had ambition to become governor of Punjab himself so he undermined Afghan rule of Punjab simply for that reason, just like previously he had undermined Mughal rule over Punjab. It had nothing to do with the supposed deceitful nature of Afghans.
The chieftains of Punjab (some of whom were Indo-Afghans), who called to his banners when he became governor of Punjab for Maratha empire in 1758, were the same elites who had previously served the Mughal empire and had also responded to the calls of Mir Mannu and other Mughal governors of Punjab when they were summoned for wars against Sikh marauders. Adina Beg was only able to gain their support when he became governor of Punjab. Before that, he chiefly relied on Sikhs and his own contingent. None of those Punjabi-Muslim nobles opposed Durrani governor of Punjab when the latter was fighting against Adina Beg and his Sikh allies.
Furthermore, there is no evidence that Adina Beg harbored a grand vision of establishing Punjabi Muslim supremacy in Punjab during his conflicts with the Afghans or his decision to exterminate Sikhs. His actions appear to have been primarily self-serving. He acted against the Sikhs only because they were disrupting the peace and economy of Punjab. As governor, he was duty-bound to restore law and order, ensuring the collection of the 7.5 million rupee tribute for his Maratha overlords.
There is a poem of Allama Iqbal by name of "Ghulam Qadir Rohilla" in Banga-i-Dara, the English translation of which, done by Iqbalurdu blog, is given below:
How cruel, tyrant and vindictive the Ruhilah was
He blinded the Mughal Emperor with the point of his dagger
The tyrant ordered members of the royal household to dance This tyranny was no less than the Judgment Day’s signal
For the delicate ladies of the royal household it was
Utterly impossible to comply with this shameless order
Ah!
The merciless one made them the means of pleasure Whose beauty had been veiled from sun’s, moon’s and stars
The feeble hearts were throbbing, the feet were forced to move A river of blood was flowing from the wet eyes of the princesses
For some time his eyes remained thus absorbed in seeing In confusion he freed his head from the load of Mighfar
He untied the deadly, fire‐spitting sword from the waist Whose sharpness was a source of luminescence to the stars
He put the dagger in front, and lied down in some thought Sleep was demanding rest from the red eyes so to say
The water of sleep extinguished the embers of his eyes The tyrant’s sight became ashamed of the painful spectacle!
He got up and started saying this to Taimur’s household “You should have no complaint against your fate”
My sleeping in the couch was a mere show, an affectation Because stupor is foreign to the dignity of fighters
It was my intention that some daughter of Taimur Considering me unconscious might kill me with my own dagger,
But at last this secret has dawned to the whole world Concern for honor has departed from Taimur’s household.”
Ghulam Qadir Rohilla forced Mughal princes (males), not princesses, to sing and dance for him. Allama Iqbal made a blunder there. It does not make sense that Ghulam Qadir would mock Mughal princesses for not possessing courage, ghairat and manliness. Allama Iqbal has misquoted the contemporary source Ibrat-nama (written in c.1790 AD), the author of which writes regarding the incident as follows:
"On the 25th Zil Qada, Ghulam Qadir called Prince Akbar, Suleiman Shikoh, and the other Princes, nineteen in number, before him, and with harsh words called upon them to sing and dance before him. They declined ; but he would not listen to them, saying that he had long heard praises of their singing and dancing. He then commanded his attendants to cut of the Princes' noses if they did not sing. The princes and boys, seeing there was no escaping from his commands, did as they were directed, and sang and danced. He was very pleased and asked them what recompense they desired. They said, "Our father and children are in great want of water and food, we ask for some". He gave his consent. He then turned all his attendants out of the room, and, placing his head upon the knees of Prince Akbar, went to sleep, leaving his sword and knife in their presence. He closed his eyes for an hour, and then getting up, he slapped each of them on the neck, and said, "Can such (craven) spirits entertain the idea of reigning? I wanted to try your courage. If you had any spirit, you would have made an end of me with my sword and dagger. " Then abusing them in foul disgusting words, he sent them out of his presence." (Translation of an extract of Ibrat-nama by S.M.Elliot).
Zabita Ganj mosque of Delhi, built in 18th century by Zabita Khan Rohilla (Yousafzai Pashtun). The latter was son of Najib al-Dawla and father of Ghulam Qadir Rohilla.
The mosque is still in use. The mosque is still in use. It is a protected structure under Archeological Survey of India.
A portrait of a Monkey in the possession of Daud Khan Panni (a Pashtun), c. 1705–1710. The inscription on the back of this work, written in Devanagari, states that the monkey is named Husaini and “comes from” Nawab Davad (or Daud) Khan.
Daud Khan Panni (originally from Sibi) was a noble of Mughal empire. He had craze for collecting different kind of animals.
Ahmad Shah Abdali also built a caravanserai at Mecca for Pashtun pilgrims. It was known as "Rabat i Suleimani". Rabat (رباط) means caravanserai in Arabic. Pashtuns were (are?) known as Suliemanis among Arabs (because of the Sulieman mountains range) so their caravanserai in Mecca was named Rabat al-Sulaimani. It was demolished by Saudis in 20th century.
The origin of the Pindaris is shrouded in obscurity. They first come into notice as a class of unpaid auxiliaries attached to Maratha armies of the eighteenth century who lived by plunder and devastation of the enemy country. The name is Marathi and probably derives from two words, meaning “bundle of grass” and “who takes” [1]. They were adventurers and freebooters of every class and denomination — Afghans, Marathas, or Jats [2].
It is said that the earliest reference to Pindaris was made by Manucci who wrote, “Along with the armies [of Mughals in Deccan campaigns] there march privileged and recognized thieves, called Bederia (Bidari) ; these are the first to invade the enemy’s territory, where they plunder everything they find” [3]. William Irvine, the translator, raises the question whether this is really a reference to the Pindaris or simply to the Bidaris, a completely different group. The Pindaris were essentially a phenomena of the last quarter of the eighteenth century. Bhimsen’s memoir of Aurangzeb Deccan campaigns, Tarikh-i-Dilkusha, does not mention the Pindaris . Bhimsen was no stranger to the region that later became the main Pindari zone, since both he and his father had served in Malwa and Deccan for a long time [4].
The leaders of Pindaris who emerged between 1806 through the Maratha War of 1817-8119, were principally Karim Khan, Chito, and Wasil and Dost Muhammad. Karim Khan was perhaps the best known leader of the Pindaris. He was the son of a Rohilla, and rose to power in the service of the Nawab of Bhopal. Chito was a Jat who rose in the Raja of Berar’s service, and became a leader of the Pindaris [5].
A common misunderstanding regarding Amir Khan (d.1834) of Tonk, Rajasthan, was the assumption that he was a Pindari. This is not correct [6]. Edmonstone drew a distinction between the ‘organized troops of the Pathan leaders‘ and the Pindaris. The former consisted chiefly of infantry and artillery regularly formed and disciplined, to which was also added cavalry such as was “usually found in the ranks of native armies” [7]. Even Lord Hastings did not fully identify Amir Khan with the Pindaris.
Amir Khan of Tonk, circa 1790-1800. By Vana Bhatti
References:
1- https://www.britannica.com/topic/Pindaris–
2. “A Brief History of the Indian Peoples”, by Sir William Wilson Hunter, p-202
3- Storia da Moger, Vol-2, p-459 4- Sindias and the Raj: Princely Gwalior C. 1800-1850”, By Amar Farooqui, p-40
The image of Ahmad Shah Durrani has been largely shaped and dominated by 20th-century Indian writings. Indian authors portrayed the Sikh misls as dauntless heroes and Ahmad Shah Abdali as a hideous villain. One historical event that they have distorted is a battle referred to as the "Vadda Ghallughara" by the Sikhs. The Indian editors of Wikipedia describe it as follows: "Vadda Ghalughara was the mass murder of unarmed Sikhs by the Afghan forces of the Durrani Empire."
Upon examining the original 18th-century sources, I found that the Sikh portrayal of the Vadda Ghallughara, repeated by their Indian countrymen, is nothing more than a falsification of the facts. What is claimed to have been a massacre or genocide of unarmed innocents was, in reality, a battle between two armies on a battlefield. The so-called "foreign invasion," as described by Indian and Sikh historians, was in fact a military expedition by Ahmad Shah Durrani to one of the provinces of his empire in 1762, undertaken to restore law and order disrupted by Sikh marauders.
The war of Panipat (1759–1761) and the growth of Sikh marauders
In March–April 1758, the Marathas expelled the Afghans from Punjab and appointed Adina Beg Khan—who had invited them against the Afghans—as their governor. The Khalsa Sikhs, as a result of their conflict with the Mughals, had turned into roving bands of marauders surviving on looting and pillaging. Adina Beg, commonly viewed as a Mughal but in fact a Punjabi Muslim from the Arain caste, developed relations with the Sikhs and allowed them to grow and prosper in the Jalandhar Doab, a territory assigned to him by his Mughal overlords. His aim was to undermine and erode Mughal authority in the region through the anarchy caused by the Sikh marauders.
Although raised in a Mughal household and in service to the Mughals, Adina Beg secretly worked against them. His schemes were disrupted when a much more powerful force—the Afghans under Ahmad Shah Durrani—took over Punjab. Adina Beg continued to support the Sikh marauders to weaken Afghan rule. However, realizing that he and his Sikh allies were insufficient to dislodge the Afghans, he invited the Marathas to invade Punjab. The Marathas appointed him governor of Punjab. Having no further use for the Sikh marauders, he then resolved to exterminate them. The seventy-five lakh rupees he was required to collect from Punjab for his Maratha overlords could not be realized while the Sikh marauders, disruptors of peace and economy, remained active.
He therefore launched a massive operation against the Khalsa Sikhs, but within a few months he died of dysentery, and the Khalsa Sikhs remained active. In October 1759, Ahmad Shah Durrani re-took Punjab from the Marathas and engaged in war with them for the next fifteen months. The absence of both Afghans and Marathas from Punjab during this period gave the Sikhs a great opportunity to recover from their losses and gain further strength. Since Sikhs were strongly associated with loot and plunder, a large number of highway robbers, thieves, and other criminal elements of Punjab joined their ranks and adopted Sikhism merely for the sake of plunder. Thus, their numbers grew exponentially.
When Ahmad Shah Durrani won the Battle of Panipat and returned to Punjab, the Sikhs hid in the Shiwalik hills and the Malwa desert. Once Durrani returned to Afghanistan, the Sikhs emerged from their hiding places and resumed bloodshed and plunder in Punjab.
Sikh marauders besiege Jindiala
In January 1762, about eighty thousand Sikh warriors besieged the fortified town of Jandiala, located twelve miles east of Amritsar. The majority of the town’s population was Muslim, and cow meat was consumed by the townspeople—something that greatly infuriated the Sikhs. The chief of the fortified town was Guru Aqil Das, who belonged to the Niranjani sect. Since this sect advocated peace and friendship with Muslims, and permitted the slaughter of cows for food in Jindiala, the town incurred the wrath and enmity of the Khalsa Sikhs. Guru Aqil Das had pledged allegiance to Ahmad Shah Durrani, and the Khalsa Sikhs regarded him as an enemy for these various reasons. According to the author of Tarikh-i-Husain Shahi, the number of Sikhs besieging Jandiala was around 80,000.
Ahmad Shah Durrani responds to Sikh disturbances
Ahmad Shah Durrani set out from Afghanistan after receiving news of the disturbances created by the Sikhs and the defeat of some of his officers at their hands in Punjab. Upon entering Punjab, he learned about the situation in Jandiala. Since the Muslim inhabitants were likely to be burnt alive by the Sikhs as punishment for cow slaughter if the town fell, Ahmad Shah Durrani hastened his march toward Jandiala. When the Sikhs received word of his arrival near Lahore, they lifted the siege of Jandiala and fled. By the time Ahmad Shah Durrani reached the town, the Sikhs had already abandoned it. From Jandiala, he dispatched his spies to gather intelligence about the destination and movements of the large Sikh force. He remained in Jandiala for three days.
Meanwhile, the fleeing Sikh marauders reached the vicinity of Malerkotla and began pillaging the surrounding villages. The author of Tahmas-nama, who was present in Sirhind at the time, records that the number of Sikhs and their supporters had swelled to 150,000 cavalry and infantry. When Zain Khan Mohmand, the governor of Sirhind, was informed that the Sikhs were engaged in plunder and bloodshed near Malerkotla, he set out from Sirhind with ten to fifteen thousand cavalry and infantry to confront them. Bhikhan Khan, the Nawab of Malerkotla (a Pashtun descendant), also joined Zain Khan. They encamped at Malerkotla, while the Sikhs established their camp at a distance of seven kos from them.
The Battle of Green Leaves (1762): Ahmad Shah Durrani vs Sikh Forces
Ahmad Shah Durrani was informed by his spies that the Sikh marauders who had fled from Jandiala had gathered at the village of Kup in Malerkotla, where they had besieged Zain Khan Mohmand, Bhikhan Khan, Murtaza Khan Barech, and other chieftains. The Sikhs had always avoided engaging in a pitched battle with Ahmad Shah Durrani and would turn tail at his approach. The Sikh army near Malerkotla was confident that Ahmad Shah would either return to Afghanistan from Jandiala or, if he advanced toward Sirhind, they would learn of his movements in time and escape, as they had done in the past. But this time, Ahmad Shah was determined not to let them get away. He resolved to launch a surprise attack.
In just 36 hours, he covered a distance of 240 kilometers and crossed two rivers, catching the Sikh army at Malerkotla completely off guard. Before the attack, Ahmad Shah sent messengers to Zain Khan, instructing him to launch an assault on the Sikhs the following morning and keep them engaged until his arrival. Furthermore, Zain Khan’s Punjabi soldiers were ordered to place green leaves or grass on their heads so that Ahmad Shah’s Uzbek soldiers could distinguish them from the Sikhs and avoid killing them by mistake. Because of this, the battle came to be known among Pashtuns as Da Shne Panray Jagra—“the Battle of the Green Leaf.”
Ahmad Shah’s sudden appearance on the battlefield struck fear into the hearts of the Sikhs, who immediately fled. Despite being exhausted from their forced march of 240 kilometers without rest, the Afghans pursued and attacked them relentlessly. The author of Tahmas-nama, an eyewitness to these events, records that the Sikhs were either attempting to escape or reciting the Kalima of Islam and begging for their lives. The Afghans pursued them as far as the fort of Barnala, killing about thirty thousand Sikh warriors. However, as evening fell and darkness spread, the Afghans did not advance beyond Barnala, allowing the majority of the Sikh force to escape with their lives.
"Vadda Ghallughara": Sikh army or civilians?
Sikhs refer to this battle as Vadda Ghallughara, meaning “the Great Massacre.” Modern Sikh writers have begun to claim that the thirty thousand Sikhs killed in this battle were mostly women, children, and unarmed elderly men. This claim, however, is false. None of the 18th- or early 19th-century sources mention the presence of Sikh women or children on the battlefield.
Tahmas Khan, the author of Tahmas-nama—who personally participated in the battle—records only the presence of Sikh cavalry and infantry. His account makes no mention of Sikh women or children.
Similarly, the author of Siyar al-Mutakhireen (written in 1780) describes only Sikh cavalry and infantry taking part in the battle. He writes:
"But as the territory of Lahor was known to be the spot where the Abdalies, first of all, landed in their expeditions towards Hindostan, the Syks thought proper to evacuate it entirely; and repairing to the country of Rohy, a district of very difficult access, they took possession of a very strong fort in it, and assembled there from all parts, to the number of two lacs of men, cavalry and infantry. But this did not deter the Abdali-king. Informed of their retreat, as well as of their But are numbers, he measured ninety cosses of ground in two days, and falling upon those free-booters the moment he was least expected, he drew smoke from their breasts". [Ghulam Hussain Khan, Siyar al-Mutakhireen, English trans. Haji Mutafa, Vol. 4, p. 3]
In 1787, James Browne translated a Persian manuscript written in 1784; that work also refers solely to the presence of a Sikh army on the battlefield. It states:
"The Durrany Shah sent thirty thousand horse under his conduct, who marching seventy crores (one hundred and forty miles) almost without (L) intermission, surprized the army of the Sicks, at a place called Barnala, and put great numbers to the sword55 ; the rest as usual, dispersed for atime; after which, the Shah proceeded to Sirhind." [James Browne, History of the Origin and Progress of the Sikhs, p. 38]
To support their claims, Sikh writers often cite Panth Prakash, a poetic work written in 1841 by the Sikh author Ratan Singh. However, Panth Prakash is filled with fictitious and exaggerated details and is not considered an authentic or reliable source for 18th-century events. Moreover, Panth Prakash itself clearly states that the Sikhs had left their families in Malwa before confronting Ahmad Shah Durrani in 1762. [Sr Guru Panth Prakash, English translation by Kulwant Singh, Vol. 2, p. 483]
The confusion arises from its reference to the Afghan attack on the Sikh baheer (بہیر)—a term meaning baggage-train. In military usage, the baggage-train contained weapons, equipment, provisions, loot, servants, and artisans, not families. Sikh writers have misinterpreted baheer as meaning “families,” which is a distortion of the text. As Panth Prakash itself states, Sikh families were left behind in Malwa.
It is important to remember that Sikh warfare against the Afghans in the 18th century was based on swift, hit-and-run tactics. Their women and children never accompanied them into areas that could turn into battlefields. The speed with which the Sikhs fled from Jandiala to Malerkotla also demonstrates that they were not encumbered by families. Moreover, the Sikhs knew that Afghans would not slaughter women and children but would enslave them, taking them to Afghanistan and Turkistan for sale. For this reason, Sikh families were always left in the Shiwalik Hills or Malwa desert when the warriors went out to fight.
If Sikh women and children had been present on the battlefield near Malerkotla, the Afghans would certainly have enslaved them, and contemporary historians of the 18th century would have recorded it—just as some, such as the author of Siyar al-Mutakhireen, documented the enslavement of Maratha women after the Battle of Panipat.
Vadda Ghallughara imagined by a modern Sikh artist
References
Sikh History from Persian Sources, edited by J.S. Grewal & Irfan Habib
The Siyar-ul-Mutakherin, history of the Mahomedan power in India
Fall of the Mughal Empire, Vol.2 by Jadunath Sarkar
Panth Prakash by Rattan Singh Bhangu
History of the Origin and Progress of the Sikhs by James Browne
Waqiat-i-Durrani (Urdu translation of Tarikh Hussain Shahi)
According to Mirza Ata Muhammad Shikarpuri (an eyewitness to the First Anglo-Afghan war), Nadir Shah Afshar had hard time ruling the present-day Afghanistan.
“It is not easy to rule Khurasan (سلطنت خراسان). Nadir Shah (Afshar), despite his might, abundant funds, and military weapons, was not able to control all of Khurasan. Whenever he captured one mountainous region, insurgence would break out in another. He (Nadir Shah) fought for many years but was never able to establish control over the land of Khurasan. So how could British officers, with crow-faced Indian soldiers, gain control of Khurasan in fifteen months?”
At the end of his account, Mirza Ata asserts: "Khurasan is the land of falcons, and the Kingdom of Hindustan is the land of crows; falcons cannot become friends with crows.”
[Source: "Literacy in the Persianate world: writing and the social order", p-268]
In original Persian text of the passage, you can see the word "Yaghi" there. Although it is corruption of 'baghi' (rebel), it carried the specific meaning of independent and having no masters. The term was applied to the independent Pashtun tribes of hills.
Naway Ma'arek of Mirza Ata Muhammad Shikarpuri is extensively quoted by William Dalrymple in his book "Return of a King: The Battle for Afghanistan".
Nadir Shah Afshar entering in Peshawar in 1739. Source: 'Nadir Shah: A Critical Study', reproduced from a manuscript of Kitab-i-Nadiri at Institut Vostokovedeniya, Leningard.
Ahmad Shah Abdali has praised the bravery of Maratha soldiers at the battlefield of Panipat (1761) in a letter written to Raja Madho Singh (the ruler of Jaipur).
After praising the bravery of his own soldiers, Abdali writes :-
"The enemy (Marathas) too distinguished themselves and fought so well that it was beyond the capacity of other (races). The blood-shedding fists of the heroes on both sides became equally red with blood. Gradually the fighting passed from the exchange of cannon, swivel, and rocket fire to the discharge of muskets. Then it proceeded beyond musketry-fire to the stage of combat with swords and arrows. From the use of swords even, it passed on to the plying of daggers and knives. They grasped each other by the neck and crushed their opponents breasts. Those dauntless blood-shedders (the Marathas) also did not short fall in fighting and doing glorious deeds." [translated into English by Jadunath Sarkar].
In the same letter Ahmad Shah Abdali reveals very important information. He informs Madho Singh that on the day of the battle of Panipat, Marathas came out with 200,000 (two lakh) cavalry and foot besides artillery and a force of archers. The vast Maratha army in battle formation stretched for 6 kos (12 miles)
Maratha soldier, 1836-42. Painting by Emily Eden
Painting of Ahmad Shah Durrani of circa 1785-1790, Inscribed: 'Hamed Shah Duranny'
Zaman Shah Durrani enthroned, his two princes attend left and right, circa 1795. A third young attendant waves a white silk fabric as symbol of royal authority.
Zaman Shah Durrani in Durbar, Lahore, surrounded by attendants, 1799. British Museum. Inscribed: 'Portrait of his highness king of king Zaman Shah Padishah Durrani, may God prolong his realm and reign. 1214'
The Abdali historical tradition relates that due to numerous feuds between the various Abdali lineages around Kandahar, a tribal jirga in 1589 A.D decided that the entire tribe should have one malik as had been the case when the tribe dwelt in Kasi Ghar (Suleiman mountains). They selected Malik Saddu because he demonstrated qualities of leadership. Malik Saddu (born in 1558 A.D) was the ancestor of the ‘Sadduzai tribe’ of Afghans, and Ahmad Shah Abdali. He has been wrongly called Sardar Khan or Asadullah or Sadullah by some historians. His real name was ‘Saddu’ [1]. When Safavids obtained possession of Kandahar, Saddu received the honorific title of "Mir-i-Afghan" and the grant of the Safa town from Shah Abbas the Great of Persia (1571-1629) [2]. Saddu was succeeded by his eldest son Khwaja Khizr Khan but he had no interest in worldly affairs, therefore, after three months, he abdicated in favour of his younger brother Maudud Khan. The descendants of Khwaja Khizr are called Khizr Khel. Ahmad Shah Abdali was direct descendant of Khwaja Khizr [3]. See the genealogy of Khizr Khel (clan of Ahmad Shah Abdali) here.
In 1707 A.D the Abdalis were expelled from Kandahar by Gurgin Khan (Safavid viceroy of Kandahar). They migrated to Shorawak (see the location on the map here) and subsequently to Bakwa in Farah [4]. In the latter part of 1712 A.D (15th of Ramadan 1124 Hijri) Asadullah Khan, a descendant of Saddu, took Herat during the absence of his father, at Multan. His father Abdullah Khan returned from Multan, enthroned himself as 'Shah', took up his residence at Herat and the whole Abdali tribe moved thither. He proclaimed Herat an independent state [5]. Abdalis took possession of Herat, Ghurian, Kuhsan, Bala-Murghab, and Badghis and Obah, and installed their own governors [6]. Abdullah Khan Saddozai and his son, Asadullah, defeated at least four Persian armies sent against them [7].
In 1718 A.D (1130 Hijri) Abdalis joined with the Uzbeks to attack Persian Khurasan [8]. In 1719 A.D (1131 Hijri) Asadullah Khan Sadduzai, acting as governor of Farah on behalf of his father, moved against Mir Mahmud Hotak (son of Mirwais Hotak) to regain Kandahar but was defeated and slain. Mahmud Hotak sent the head of Asadullah Khan Sadduzai to Sultan Hussain, the Safavid emperor of Persia with a feigned profession of submission and obedience. He then said that he had taken the field against Asadullah out of the loyalty to Persian throne. Impressed, the Safavid Shah heaped honors on Mahmud Hotak [9]. In the meantime, the Jirga of Abdali tribe deemed Asadullah's father Abdullah unfit to lead them because he was too old and distraught by his son's death. They elected Zaman Khan (father of Ahmad Shah Abdali) as leader of the Abdalis [10]. Abdullah Khan Sadduzai was thrown into prison, and was there, it is alleged, poisoned or otherwise done to death by Zaman Khan [11]. The murder of Abdullah Khan by Zaman Khan started a cycle of revenge and a series of internal disputes among Abdalis which lasted for several years.
In 1720 Persians made another attempt to retake Herat but were defeated by Abdalis under the leadership of Zaman Khan. Zaman Khan died a natural death after ruling his clan for two years and five months [12]. Among the few attested documentary sources of Zaman Khan’s rule in Herat is a decree he issued in Shaʿban 1131/June-July 1719. The decree declares that Zaman Khan dispatched a certain Yaḥya Khan, the Head of the Diwan (diwan beg), at the head of an Abdali contingent to punish a certain Qasim Baluch who, it is claimed, had been harassing the population and especially the peasantry of the towns of Ṭabas and Qaʾin in southern Khurasan. The decree also requests that the local inhabitants cooperate with the Abdali force. [13]
When the disaffection had started in Herat, Zaman Khan had sent his wife Zarkuna Alkozai to Multan to his maternal uncle Jalal Khan considering Multan as a safe place. Zaman Khan's mother was already staying with her brother Jalal Khan in Multan. Zarghuna gave birth to Ahmad Shah Abdali in Jalal Khan's house in the Kiri Shah Hussain Khan in 1722 (1134 Hijri) [14]. Zarghuna Alakozai is buried in village of Kohak, west of Kandahar.
The elders of Abdali tribe now summoned from his retreat in Shorawak, another son of the late Abdullah Khan, named Muhammad Khan, and made him ruler over themselves [15]. In 1722 Mahmud Hotak conquered Isfahan, encouraged by that Muhammad Khan Abdali attacked Persian Khurasan and besieged Mashhad for four months during the winter of 1722-23, but failed to take it [16]. When the unsuccessful Muhammad Khan Abdali returned to Herat, he was deposed and Zulfiqar Khan (elder brother of Ahmad Shah Abdali) was recalled from Shorawak and made their chief by the Abdalis [17].In 1725-1726, Rahman, a son of the murdered Abdullah Khan Sadduzai, attacked Zulfiqar Khan to exact revenge. The Abdali elders intervened and decided to expel both factions from Herat city. Zulfiqar Khan was exiled to the district of Bakharz (see the location on map here), and Rahman to Farah. Allahyar Khan, a son of late Abdullah, was invited from Multan and was elected as new chief of the tribe [18].The peaceful rule of Allahyar Khan Abdali was disturbed by Abdul Ghani Alkozai (maternal uncle of Ahmad Shah Abdali). He instigated and supported Zulfiqar Khan to revolt against Allahyar Khan and the civil war continued for about six months . The Ulus Abdali again expelled both Allahyar and Zulfiqar : the former to Maruchak and the latter this time to Farah [19].
In November 1726 Nadir Khan Afshar (later Nadir Shah of Persia) captured Mashad. In August 1727 he departed Mashhad to undertake a series of campaigns against Qain, Khwaf and Sangan in Persian Khurasan. In October 1727 he met an Abdali army, 7,000 to 8,000 strong, sent by Allahyar Khan and Zulfiqar Khan to aid the inhabitants of Sangan (see the location on map here). After four days of fighting, however, Abdali army was retreated towards Herat. Nadir Khan, feeling the need of caution because of inexperience of his troops and formidability of Abdalis, refrained from pursuit and returned to Mashhad. [20]
In the June 1729 (Shawwal 1141 A.H.) Nadir Khan Afshar again took the field against the Abdalis who had been encroaching on the territory they had lost. Nadir Shah could not conquer Herat but he was satisfied with the nominal submission of Allahyar Khan Abdali. In June 1730 Zulfiqar Khan wrested Herat from Allahyar and advanced towards Mashhad (held by Ibrahim Khan Afshar, brother of Nadir Shah) and besieged it. Ibrahim Khan Afshar led his troops out of the city around the beginning of August to attack the Abdalis, and was soundly beaten. He shut himself in the city till Nadir Shah himself came to the rescue. On hearing the news of Nadir Khan Afshar coming to help his brother, Zulfiqar Khan Abdali went back to Herat. Now it was turn of Nadir Shah Afshar. The latter marched towards Herat in March 1731 (1143 H). On hearing the news, Zulfiqar Khan Abdali request Shah Hussain Hotak of Kandahar for help. The celebrated Ghilzai general Saidal Khan Nasar was dispatched to Herat from Kandahar with a strong army of 3,000 to help Zulfiqar Khan against Nadir Shah. Zulfiqar Khan, even with the help of Saidal Khan, could not repulse the attack of Nadir Shah who was assisted by Allahyar Khan Abdali. One night Saidal Khan Nasar fled to Kandahar which greatly demoralized the defenders. Now Nadir Shah forced Zulfiqar Khan to hand over Herat to Allahyar Khan. Zulfiqar Khan along with his younger brothers Ali Mardan Khan and Ahmad Khan (future Ahmad Shah Durrani) left Herat for Farah. When he reached Farah, he found Saidal Khan there. Saidal Khan took Zulfiqar Khan and his younger brothers to Kandahar with an assurance to get help from Shah Hussain Hotak. But on their arrival at Kandahar, Shah Hussain Hotak treacherously imprisoned them. [21]
Within a few months Allahyar Khan Abdali renounced his allegiance to Nadir Shah and raised the flag of independence. Herat was again besieged by Nadir Shah. On 27th February 1732, after Nadir promised to spare the lives and not to destroy the city, the fortress gates were opened. Allahyar Khan was exiled with his adherents to Multan. Nadir then transferred some 60,000 members of the Abdali tribe to Mashad, Nishapur, and Damghan of Persian Khurasan [22]. Nadir treated the vanquished Abdalis with marked clemency, since he realized their martial qualities and was determined to win them over by generous treatment to serve in his army [23].
Portrait of Ahmad Shah Abdali. Lahore Museum. Source
Tomb of Zarghuna Alkozai. Via Nafees Ur Rehman
Afghan Mujahideen praying at the grave of Ahmad Shah Abdali's mother Zarghuna ana. Via Nafees Ur Rehman
Glossary
Afshar : A tribe of Turks dwelling in Khurasan
Hotak : A clan of Ghilzai Afghans
Jirga: A council
Malik : A chief or headman
Nasar: A clan of Ghilzai Afghans
Safavids: They originated from a mystical order appeared among Turkish speaking people of west of the Caspian Sea, at Ardabil, and ruled Persia from 1501 to 1722.
Suleiman mountains: A mountain mass in central Pakistan
Ulus: A clannish commonwealth.
References
1- “Multans under the Afghans”, by Muhammad Ashiq Durrani, p-11
2- “The Geographical Magazine” , Volume 4 , p-290 (1877)
3- “Multan Under the Afgh̲ans, 1752-1818” , p-12
4- “The Kingdom of Afghanistan ; a historical sketch”, by G.P.Tate, p-42
5- “The Geographical Magazine” , Volume 4 , p-290 (1877)
6- “The Kingdom of Afghanistan: A Historical Sketch”, p-43
7- "Afghanistan" by Louis Dupree, p-324
8- "History of the Mongols From the 9th to the 19th Century", by Henry Hoyle Howorth, p-762
9- "The Fall of the Safavi Dynasty and the Afghan Occupation of Persia", L.Lockhart, p-100
10-“The Kingdom of Afghanistan: A Historical Sketch”, G.P.Tate, p-44
11- "Ahmad Shah Durrani: Father of modern Afghanistan" by Ganda Singh, p-10
12- “The Kingdom of Afghanistan: A Historical Sketch”, G.P.Tate, p-44
Shah, Durr-i Durran", Sajjad Netaji, p-253
13- "The pearl of pearls : The Abdali-Durrani confederacy and its transformation under Ahmad Shah Dur-i-Durran", by Sajjad Nejatie, p-253
14- “Multans under the Afghans”, by Muhammad Ashiq Durrani, p-20
15- “The Kingdom of Afghanistan: A Historical Sketch”, G.P.Tate, p-44
16- “Multans under the Afghans”, by Muhammad Ashiq Durrani, p-21
17- "Ahmad Shah Durrani: Father of modern Afghanistan" by Ganda Singh, p-10
18- "“The Kingdom of Afghanistan: A Historical Sketch”, G.P.Tate, p-55
19- Ibid, p-55
20- "Nadir Shah", L.Lockhart, p-29
21- “Multans under the Afghans”, by Muhammad Ashiq Durrani, pp.22-23
22- http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/allahyar-khan-abdali-a-chieftain-of-the-important-afghan-tribe-of-the-abdali-later-known-as-the-dorrani
23- Hist Afghanistan V 1 & 2, Volume 1 By Percy Sykes , p-333