Jamrud fort of Mughals times

 The existing Jamrud fort was built by Hari Singh Nalwa in December 1836 who had named it Fatehgarh. English explorer William Moorcraft who visited Jamrud in 1824 before the construction of the Sikh fort, noted ruins of a building there. He writes: 

 "The plain terminated at the foot of the Khyber range. It appeared to have been formerly a place of importance, from the number of broken stone walls scattered about, and some large tanks, one of which was sixty yards square." [1] 

There existed a Mughal fort or a fortified village/town at Jamrud in which Mughal army was stationed in 16th and 17th century. The ruins of the old fort were located a quarter or a half mile to the west of Fatehgarh. [2] 

 

From 1674 to 1678, the Maharaja Jaswant Singh of Marwar served as thanedar of Jamrud for Mughals. The author of Fatuhat-i-Alamgiri writes: "Meanwhile 'Ruknus Sultanat' (the pillar of the state) Maharaja Jaswant Singh came from the thana (post) of Jamrud and paid his respects to the emperor (Aurangzeb Alamgir, at Hasan Abdal), who conferred upon the Maharaja a special robe with an elephant worth Rs.20,000/-, sword with studded hilt and seven trays of fruits." [3] 

References 
 
1- "Travels in the Himalayan provinces of Hindustan and the Panjab; in Ladakh and Kashmir; in Peshawar, Kabul, Kunduz, and Bokhara", William Moorcroft, p-345
 2- 'The Culcutta Review', 1844, p-484
3- 'Futahat-i-Alamgiri' by Ishwardas Nagar, English translation, p-111
4- "Peshawar : Historic city of the frontier" by Hasan Dani", p-195.

Darya Khan Daudzai

Darya Khan Daudzai was a horse trader from a village near Peshawar who later joined the Mughal service and became a high-ranking Mughal mansabdar. In 1630, he joined the rebellion of Khan Jahan Lodi and was a key figure in convincing the latter to make it a cause for ending Mughal rule in both India and Afghanistan. Their efforts were unsuccessful, and they suffered defeats at the hands of the Mughals.

After these failures, a large number of Pashtuns deserted Khan Jahan Lodi, leaving him with a small army. However, Darya Khan Daudzai stuck with Khan Jahan Lodi to the end. On the advice of Darya Khan Daudzai and some other Pashtun nobles, Khan Jahan Lodi decided to move to Punjab to get help from the Pashtuns of Pakhtunkhwa. Since all roads to Punjab through Malwa were blocked by Mughal forces, Khan Jahan Lodi decided to push on to Kalpi through Bundela territory.

During a journey through Bundela territory, now part of modern Uttar Pradesh, the rear guard of Khan Jahan Lodi's army was ambushed by the forces of Bikramajit Bundela, acting on behalf of his Mughal sovereign. Darya Khan Daudzai, commanding the rear guard with just 400 soldiers, chose to engage the attackers to allow Khan Jahan Lodi to escape. Darya Khan was fatally shot in the head by a musket ball, and all 400 Pashtun soldiers, including one of his sons, died heroically in the battle. Bikramajit then severed the heads of both Darya Khan and his son and sent them to the Mughal court. Thanks to the sacrifices of Darya Khan Daudzai and his men, Khan Jahan Lodi managed to escape on this occasion, though a month later, he and his entire family also perished in battle.

References: (1) Padshahnama by Abdul Hamid Lahori (2) Maathir-ul-Umara by Shah Nawaz Khan (3) Zakhirat al-Khawanin by Shaikh Farid Bukhari.

The following painting is attributed to Balchand who was one of the many Hindu painters working under the Mughals during the reigns of both Jahangir and Shah Jahan.

A detail from Mughal painting of circa 1631 depicts Darya Khan Daudzai having his head cut off by Bundela Rajputs. Source

‘Bikramajit’s Victory over Darya Khan in 1631’. The painting depicts the rear of Khan Jahan Lodi's army getting ambushed. Source

Detail of Pashtun soldiers

Detail of Pashtun soldiers

Hindu Shahi rulers of Gandhara and Kabul were Brahmans

The Arab geographer Al-Masudi (896-956) writes that from "Al-Qandahar" comes one of the five rivers which forms the Mihran (Indus river). The Al-Qandahar of Al-Masudi was most likely Gandhara region (Peshawar valley and surroundings), not the modern Kandahar (which is referred to as "Rukhaj" or "Rakhaj" الرخج by Masudi and other Arabs).

There is no mention of "Rajputs" or its Arabic version "Rajbuts" in the text of "Muruj al-Dhahab" of Al-Masudi. The text simply says that the country of Kandahar is also known as Rahbut (والقندهار يعرف ببلاد الرهبوط). The variant in some manuscripts is Rahyut (الرھیوط).

Masudi says that the surname of the rulers of Al-Kandahar was "Hahaj" (ححج). Alexander Cunningham speculates that Hahaj or Jahaj could be Janjuas of Potohar region. However there is no solid evidence in support of it.

The clear and correct information about the background of Hindu Shahis is provided by Al-Beruni (950-1050). The latter informs us that Hindu Shahi rulers were Brahmans. Rajatarangini, a much later source (written around 1200 AD), claims that Hindu Shahis were Kshatriyas.

Pashtuns in the armies of Sultan Shahabuddin Ghori and Prithviraj

According to Gulshan-i-Ibrahimi (written in 1612 AD), Afghans (Pashtuns) and Khaljis formed the vanguard of the army of Sultan Shahabuddin Ghori. The Pashtun and Khalji commanders of the vanguard (مقدمة الجیش), who always boasted of their valour and prowess, fled from the battlefield (along with the right and left wings of the army) in the first battle of Tarain (1191), leaving the Sultan with the centre of Army (لشكر قلب).

Another interesting detail from Gulshan-i-Ibrahimi (or Tarikh-i-Farishta) is that after the defeat in the first battle of Tarain, Sultan Shahabuddin severely punished and humiliated his nobles from Khalj, Ghor and Khorasan who fled the battlefield, but he spared Afghan (Pashtun) Amirs out of prudence. 

In the second battle of Tarain (1192 AD), the 107,000 strong army of Sultan Shahabuddin of Ghor was comprised of Turks, Tajiks and Afghans (Pashtuns).

The 300,000 strong cavalry of Rai Pithora (Prithviraj) in the second battle of Tarain (1192 AD), was comprised of Rajputs and Afghans (Pashtuns).

So Pashtuns were fighting on both sides. For this reason, Sultan Shahabuddin exercised caution in his dealings with his Pashtun amirs. He did not punish and humiliate Afghan (Pashtun) amirs for fleeing from the battlefield in the First battle of Tarain, perhaps fearing that the latter may switch allegiance to Rai Pithora. 

The above snippets are taken from an Urdu translation of Gulshan-i-Ibrahimi (popularly known as Tarikh-i-Farishta). Its author Muḥammad Qasim Hindu Shah was born in Astarabad in northern Persia around 1550 AD. Farishta was his pen name.

Ahmad Shah Abdali praised the bravery of Maratha soldiers at the battlefield of Panipat (1761) in a letter written to Raja Madho Singh

Ahmad Shah Abdali has praised the bravery of Maratha soldiers at the battlefield of Panipat (1761) in a letter written to Raja Madho Singh (the ruler of Jaipur). 

 After praising the bravery of his own soldiers, Abdali writes :- 

"The enemy (Marathas) too distinguished themselves and fought so well that it was beyond the capacity of other (races). The blood-shedding fists of the heroes on both sides became equally red with blood. Gradually the fighting passed from the exchange of cannon, swivel, and rocket fire to the discharge of muskets. Then it proceeded beyond musketry-fire to the stage of combat with swords and arrows. From the use of swords even, it passed on to the plying of daggers and knives. They grasped each other by the neck and crushed their opponents breasts. Those dauntless blood-shedders (the Marathas) also did not short fall in fighting and doing glorious deeds." [translated into English by Jadunath Sarkar].

In the same letter Ahmad Shah Abdali reveals very important information. He informs Madho Singh that on the day of the battle of Panipat, Marathas came out with 200,000 (two lakh) cavalry and foot besides artillery and a force of archers. The vast Maratha army in battle formation stretched for 6 kos (12 miles)

Maratha soldier, 1836-42. Painting by Emily Eden

Painting of Ahmad Shah Durrani of circa 1785-1790, Inscribed: 'Hamed Shah Duranny' 

Shah Tahmasp's advice to Humayun on Pashtuns and Rajputs

Tahmasp I (1514 – 1576) was an influential Shah of Iran of the Safavid dynasty. After getting defeated by Sher Shah Sur, Humayun sought refuge with Shah Tahmasp. Zakhirat-ul-Khawanin (Eng.trans, Vol-I, pp-103-104) records an interesting conversation that took place between Humayun and Shah Tahmasp:

Shah Tahmasp: "Among Indian which class commands the obedience of big tribes, possess princely grandeur and are brave"?

Humayun: "The Afghans and the Rajputs"

Shah Tahmasp: "Are they friendly with each other"?

Humayun: "No"

Shah Tahmasp: "You cannot win the friendship of the Afghans; deprive them of military service and force them to become merchants and artisans. Establish close relations with the Rajputs and promote them, for it is not possible to rule India without controlling the zamindars."

According to Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, Sher Shah Sur had contemplated to form an alliance with the Ottoman Sultan against Safavid Persia. For this purpose, Sher Shah Sur sent Mir Saiyid Rafiuddin with his letters to the court of Sultan of Rum. (Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, English transl. Vol-I, pp-480-481.

The painting below depicts the meeting between Shah Tahmasp and Humayun at Isfahan.

The perilous and painful march of Man Singh Kachwaha through Khyber Pass

In 1586 Mohmands and other Ghoria-Khels acknowledged Jalala (son of Pir Roshan) as their leader and rose in revolt against Mughals. They invested the Bala Hissar of Peshawar. Sayyid Hamid, who was faujdar of Peshawar, sallied forth from the fort and engaged in combat with Ghoria Khels but he got killed. 

Raja Man Singh, the celebrated general of Mughal emperor Akbar, marched from Jalalabad towards the Khyber but he caught fever at Pish-Bolak, and he halted there for some time. 

After the success over Sayyid Hamid, the Mohmands, Khalils and others of the Ghoria-Khels entered Khyber Pass and blocked it with sangars. Some of them also went to Tirah. Sukat Singh, son of Man Singh, tried to make a forced march through the Khyber but was unable to do so because the path was closed; and now Yousafzais and other Pashtuns, joined the confederacy.

By the time Kunwar, Man Singh, had recovered from illness, the forces dispatched from Lahore, on the news of outbreak and death of Sayyid Hamid had not yet reached their destination. They were at Attock, but unable to proceed. Man Singh, therefore selecting 3,000 from his force, and leaving the rest as an escort for Mirza Suleiman, late ruler of Badakhshan, who was on his way to Akbar's court, proposed to march into Tirah, and thence to fall upon the Afridi Afghans, who were the yeast of disturbances in that quarter, after which he would suddenly advance through the Shadi Dara'h to Ali Masjid, in order that the different bodies of troops might effect a junction there , and open the Khyber route , which had been completely closed by the rebels.

Man Singh, accordingly, without encumbering himself with much baggage, marched at night from his camp at Pish-Bolak, and at daybreak reached the Kotel of Chhar-Jo-e. The Kotel was encumbered with snow - it was early in December - and the ascents and descents were great. With much difficulty the defile was cleared.

Man Singh halted at Bazarak, the diminutive form of Bazar, for a short time , and the following day a force, led by Muhammad Quli Beg, fell upon Afridis and captured a great deal of booty. Some of his officers wished Man Singh to return, in order that they might conduct their booty to a place of safety, but he would not hear of it. He continued his advance, and, by the Darah of Jzawarah (the Pashto for deep) reached the hills on which the Mohmands and Khalils, and others of the Ghoria Khels had taken up their position. Upon this the rebels tendered their submission, and thereby saved themselves. But no sooner had the Badshah's troops penetrated these mountain tracts and defiles than Jalala and his Tarikis (Roshnais) fell upon their rear, and the whole of the Afghan tribes round about rose. Takhtah Beg, the officer in command of the rear guard, and other warriors, showed great gallantry upon this occasion, and fought with determined obstinacy, but being hard pressed they had to close up on the main body, and be relieved by another detachment of troops. After a deal of fighting the enemy gave up their attacks.

The Kunwar, Man Singh, now turned his face towards Ali Masjid and gave the command of the rear guard to his eldest son, Jagat Singh. Observing this retrograde movement, the Afghans again assembled in great numbers, and the affair assumed a very serious aspect. (Author's note: The Afghans invariably follow the retreat of troops , and attack their rear if possible, it is their universal tactics, and had been for centuries, and should always be expected and provided for). There was no open ground for the troops to act and get at the enemy , and, amidst volleys of stones and showers of arrows , the men had to mount the hills and grapple with enemy as best as they could , and every now and again they made vigorous onsets upon them.

 At last more open ground appeared in sight , and there Man Singh, contrary to the advice of some of nobles with him, resolved to make a stand. Takhta Beg and a body of Kabulis in his force, in their turn now became the assailants and attacked the Afghans ; and after some severe fighting the enemy was defeated and compelled to retire to their fastnesses in the hills.

Some of the officers were of opinion that, as the day had nearly closed, they should bivouac for the night on the scene of their success, but others were for pushing on to Ali Masjid without delay. This was done ,and ,without halting the Mughal force reached that place by the Shadi Darah.

Jalala and his Tarikis followed them very quickly. About two hours before mid-night he reached the vicinity of Ali Masjid and took up a position where he and his followers lay in wait in battle array for an opportunity to molest the Badshah's troops.

Some of the leaders under Man Singh were for sallying out upon the enemy at daybreak, but the troops were too much knocked up from the long march and their exertions to be able then to do so. At midday, Madhu Singh, appeared in sight with Raja Bagwandas's division of troops from the side of Peshawar, which had been detached from the Badshah's army, but as previously mentioned, had been detained at Attock. At the sight of the reinforcements, the Tarikis dispersed in all directions.



 

Man Singh

Fort Jamrud, at the foot of the Khyber Pass," a photo from c. the 1920's*; also *a view of the Khyber Pass

An account of a 16th century battle between Pashtuns and Rajputs

Numbers of the Parni ( Panni in English and Urdu) tribe (of Pashtuns) migrated at an early period into India, where, from time to time, they have made a considerable figure ; some during the time of Lodi sovereigns of Delhi, Sultan Bahlul, being the first Pashtun or Afghan who acquired sovereignty therein, and who, when surrounded by foes , and before he had firmly established, appealed to his countrymen for aid. This appeal, coupled with fact of their lands at home having become too contracted for them, and too barren in many instances to afford a subsistence, induced them, like portion of other Afghan tribes, to seek their fortunes in Hind. The Parnis were provided for , and located, in after years in in Dundhar in Marwar. As late as 1217 H (1802-3 A.D.), mention is made of a large colony of Parnis , settled in the hills of Jaipur, Amber, Jodhpur, and parts adjacent, which is called Dhundhar, dwelling in some hundred villages, some of which contained 1,000 to 5,000 inhabitants. These Parnis used to travel extensively with Dakhan (Deccan), where number of their Kinsmen dwelt, many of which merchants were rich men. Others gained subsistence by following other employments.

After the death of Sultan Islam Shah, when disorder and misfortune had fallen on the family of Sur, and Humayun Badshah, who had regained possession of the Punjab , was marching towards the capital to take possession of it once more, Haji Khan, who was one of the late Sultan Sher Shah's Amirs, and had married a sister of Khawas Khan (a famous general of Sher Shah), resolved to leave Hindustan. He was possessed of much wealth ; and he prepared to retire into Gujarat, which was independent, intending to remain there for a time and see how matters went. He set out by the way of Rantambhur, with his followers and wealth, the former numbering 10,000 horse and foot, and the Afghan families accompanied him. On entering the territory of Rana, Udi Singh of Chitur, who succeeded to the rule over that state in 948 H (1541 A.D), and that Rajput chief, placing confidence in the number of his forces, blocked the way in the neighborhood of Jodhpur. The historian gives the numbers as high as 90,000 horse, but this is doubtless, exaggerated, nevertheless , with a considerable army, greatly outnumbering Haji Khan's followers. The object was to get possession of Haji Khan's wealth, which was known to be very great.The latter sent his agent to Rana to know why the road was closed to travellers and their families and effects, compelled by misfortune to emigration and exile, and with no hostile intent, that, instead of intercepting them, it would have been more credible and becoming to have rendered them some assistance and furnished a guide. The reply of Rajput chief was a demand that Haji Khan should give up to him his favorite mistress, a Hindu, who, besides her incomparable beauty, was accomplished in dancing and singing, and ten lakhs of Rupees in specie , upon which might go wherever he chose. ( The Rajput chief , while the Afghans were in power, was careful to keep on good terms with them ; now he thought their power was completely broken , and that this was an opportunity for plundering the fugitives)

Haji Khan gave those along with him the option of leaving him and returning, a very few of whom availed themselves of the offer, in order , as they thought, to save their lives and property, but, really to be plundered and killed by the Hindus instead. The Afghans, with heart and soul, determined to fight and avenge this insult. Haji Khan, accordingly, left 500 of the trustiest men in charge of his own and the other Afghan families, with orders to put all the females to death if the affair turned against them. The remainder of his followers he formed into four divisions, and prepared to force a passage through the Hindu host.

At this period there was a considerable number of the Parni tribe settled in Marwar, in Rana Udi Singh's territory. They had been settled there for some time before, and on becoming aware of the Haji Khan's situation , resolved, for the honour of the Afghan name, to aid him ; and the day before battle took place 800 Parnis, some day 500 only, under their chief Mina Burhan, by name, joined him. In this desperate affair the Afghans were vastly outnumbered - ten to one the historian say - but the Rajputs were overthrown and put to flight. In this affair 950 Afghans were killed , including nearly 300 Parnis , and some 400 Rajputs (4,000 Rajput casualties are mentioned in Bernhard Dorn's History of Afghans) bit the dust, but the victors were so worn out with their exertions , and nearly all more or less wounded , that they were unable to pursue the fugitives. Next day, Haji Khan, having buried the slain, and cared for the wounded, dismissed the surviving members of the Parnis, resumed his march and reached Gujarat in safety, where he ended his days.

(excerpts from Notes on Afghanistan and Baluchistan, page-640-641, by H.G.Raverty)

Ujjaini Rajputs of Bhojpur, the allies of Sher Shah Sur

There were tested 2,000 Ujjaini Rajputs led by Raja Gajpati of Bhojpur in the army of Sher Shah at the battle of Surajgarh in 1534 against the invading Bengal army led by Ibrahim Khan and Jalal Khan (Bihar through ages, p-479). Battle of Surajgarh was turning point in the career of Sher Khan, he became defacto ruler of Bihar after it. After the battle, Raja Gajpati was allowed to retain the war booty captured from the Bengal army and Sher Khan presented to him bejeweled sword, armlet, and a string of pearls. Also Buxar was conferred on Gajpati as Jagir by Sher Khan. (proceedings of Indian history congress, 1922, p-352)

Gajapati was extremely obliged to Sher Khan for the help given to him by Sher Khan in wresting the Bhojpur throne from Shivaram Singh Ujjainia (his uncle) in 1533.

It is reported that Sher Khan, presumably after he had become Sultan, conferred the title of Raja and the districts of Rohtas and Shahabad on Gajpati. (Imperial gazetteer of India, XI, p-378)