Jamrud fort of Mughals times

 The existing Jamrud fort was built by Hari Singh Nalwa in December 1836 who had named it Fatehgarh. English explorer William Moorcraft who visited Jamrud in 1824 before the construction of the Sikh fort, noted ruins of a building there. He writes: 

 "The plain terminated at the foot of the Khyber range. It appeared to have been formerly a place of importance, from the number of broken stone walls scattered about, and some large tanks, one of which was sixty yards square." [1] 

There existed a Mughal fort or a fortified village/town at Jamrud in which Mughal army was stationed in 16th and 17th century. The ruins of the old fort were located a quarter or a half mile to the west of Fatehgarh. [2] 

 

From 1674 to 1678, the Maharaja Jaswant Singh of Marwar served as thanedar of Jamrud for Mughals. The author of Fatuhat-i-Alamgiri writes: "Meanwhile 'Ruknus Sultanat' (the pillar of the state) Maharaja Jaswant Singh came from the thana (post) of Jamrud and paid his respects to the emperor (Aurangzeb Alamgir, at Hasan Abdal), who conferred upon the Maharaja a special robe with an elephant worth Rs.20,000/-, sword with studded hilt and seven trays of fruits." [3] 

References 
 
1- "Travels in the Himalayan provinces of Hindustan and the Panjab; in Ladakh and Kashmir; in Peshawar, Kabul, Kunduz, and Bokhara", William Moorcroft, p-345
 2- 'The Culcutta Review', 1844, p-484
3- 'Futahat-i-Alamgiri' by Ishwardas Nagar, English translation, p-111
4- "Peshawar : Historic city of the frontier" by Hasan Dani", p-195.

A late 16th century painting illustrating Sher Khan Sur's capture of Rohtasgarh fort through stratagem

Sher Khan Sur’s capture of Rohtasgarh fort in 1539 A.D. Ascribed to the artists La’l, Dhanu and Khem Karan, leaf from the ‘third’ Akbarnama, Mughal India, circa 1595-1600 A.D.

This skilfully designed painting illustrates part of the Sher Khan Afghan’s campaign against the Sultan of Bengal and against Humayun when he attempted to interfere. Sher Khan Sur was an Afghan born in India who carved out an empire for himself in Bihar and Bengal while Babur was busy expanding his empire from Agra and Delhi. In 1540 Sher Khan, or Sher Shah as he became, was able to drive Humayun out of India and assume the throne at Delhi. He was already the master of eastern India when Humayun marched against him in 1538. Humayun captured Gaur, the capital of Bengal, but Sher Khan had fled into the mountains of south Bihar with the treasure of Bengal and captured the great fortress of Rohtasgarh by the following stratagem:

From the Akbarnama (I, p. 335): 

"When Shēr Khān arrived in the neighbourhood of Rohtās, which is a very strong fort, he sent messengers to Rājā Cintāman, a brahman, the owner of the fort, reminding him of past favours, and after making a foundation of friendship, he represented to him that he was in a difficulty, and begged him to treat him with humanity and to receive his family and dependants into the fort, and thus make him (Shēr Khān) pledged to be his benefactor. By a hundred flatteries and deceptions the simple-minded Rājā was persuaded by the tricks of that juggler. He, a stranger to friendship’s realm, prepared six hundred litters, and placed in each two armed youths, while maidservants were placed on every side of the litters. By this stratagem he introduced his soldiers and took the fort. Having placed his family and soldiers there, he extended the arm of sedition and blocked the road to Bengal."

Inscriptions

 

Inscribed in the lower border: ‘designed by La’l, painting by Dhanu, portrait painting by Khem Karan’ and ‘Shir Khan’s capture of the citadel of Rohtas through stratagem’

On the reverse top left-hand corner: ‘New number 53’, ‘169’ in red at lower left; ‘Taj Muhammad Khan’. The remaining inscriptions seem to be magic letters with two words legible: Medicine (or magic) for health’.

 

Artists

 

(i) La’l

La’l has made brilliant use of the normal Mughal high or birds-eye view perspective allowing us to get a good idea of the vertiginous cliffs above which the great fortress sits. Four of the female palanquins are being borne along a defile and across a bridge leading to the gate of the fortress of Rohtas with beautifully detailed textiles on the tops of two of them. At the bottom, an expectant group of horsemen and a camel- and elephant-rider are perched above the defile awaiting developments. Inside the fortress the attack has already started. The buildings represented inside the fort are not unlike the palace buildings of Raja Man Singh, the Subahdar of Bengal under Akbar (see the aquatints published by Thomas and William Daniell, who visited Rohtasgarh in 1790, in their Oriental Scenery in Archer, nos. 81-3). La’l is one of the principal artists of the late Akbari period. He was extremely prolific and his work is found in most of the great manuscripts commissioned by Akbar between the 1580s and 1605 when he disappears (Verma, pp. 221-31). He and his colleague Dharm Das define the late Akbari style, and it is mostly from variations from the norm that we can discern the more individual artists.

(ii) Dhanu

Dhanu is a rarer artist whose colouring we find in some of the great manuscripts but who was entrusted with solo work only in the lesser manuscripts. Some of his solo work is highly sensitive, see Losty, no. 2. 

 

(iii) Khem Karan

Khem Karan is a senior artist of the whole Akbari period, since he is mentioned as a major artist by Abu’l Fazl in A’in 34 of the A’in-i Akbari, see Verma, pp. 216-19. Although not known as a portraitist, he and the other two artists of this folio also performed the same roles in the first known painting from this third manuscript of the Akbarnama, in the collections of the Maharaja of Jaipur, exhibited at the Royal Academy of Arts, London, in 1947 (Ashton, pl. 127).

 

Source: 'Court art from India, Persia and Turkey' by Oliver Forge and Brenden Lynch.

 

Darya Khan Daudzai

Darya Khan Daudzai was a horse trader from a village near Peshawar who later joined the Mughal service and became a high-ranking Mughal mansabdar. In 1630, he joined the rebellion of Khan Jahan Lodi and was a key figure in convincing the latter to make it a cause for ending Mughal rule in both India and Afghanistan. Their efforts were unsuccessful, and they suffered defeats at the hands of the Mughals.

After these failures, a large number of Pashtuns deserted Khan Jahan Lodi, leaving him with a small army. However, Darya Khan Daudzai stuck with Khan Jahan Lodi to the end. On the advice of Darya Khan Daudzai and some other Pashtun nobles, Khan Jahan Lodi decided to move to Punjab to get help from the Pashtuns of Pakhtunkhwa. Since all roads to Punjab through Malwa were blocked by Mughal forces, Khan Jahan Lodi decided to push on to Kalpi through Bundela territory.

During a journey through Bundela territory, now part of modern Uttar Pradesh, the rear guard of Khan Jahan Lodi's army was ambushed by the forces of Bikramajit Bundela, acting on behalf of his Mughal sovereign. Darya Khan Daudzai, commanding the rear guard with just 400 soldiers, chose to engage the attackers to allow Khan Jahan Lodi to escape. Darya Khan was fatally shot in the head by a musket ball, and all 400 Pashtun soldiers, including one of his sons, died heroically in the battle. Bikramajit then severed the heads of both Darya Khan and his son and sent them to the Mughal court. Thanks to the sacrifices of Darya Khan Daudzai and his men, Khan Jahan Lodi managed to escape on this occasion, though a month later, he and his entire family also perished in battle.

References: (1) Padshahnama by Abdul Hamid Lahori (2) Maathir-ul-Umara by Shah Nawaz Khan (3) Zakhirat al-Khawanin by Shaikh Farid Bukhari.

The following painting is attributed to Balchand who was one of the many Hindu painters working under the Mughals during the reigns of both Jahangir and Shah Jahan.

A detail from Mughal painting of circa 1631 depicts Darya Khan Daudzai having his head cut off by Bundela Rajputs. Source

‘Bikramajit’s Victory over Darya Khan in 1631’. The painting depicts the rear of Khan Jahan Lodi's army getting ambushed. Source

Detail of Pashtun soldiers

Detail of Pashtun soldiers

Portrait of Ibrahim Khan Mohmand (Pashtun)

Portrait of Ibrahim Khan Mohmand (Pashtun), undated. Source

The 'Free Library of Philadelphia' has not shared any details about him. I could not find concrete information regarding Ibrahim Khan Mohmand. He was most likely a noble of the Mughal Empire. He could be the Ibrahim Khan Mohmand who was an officer during the reign of Mughal emperor Aurangzeb and a resident of Rashidabad. (Ref: Mughal Documents: pt. 1. 1666 A.D, Andhra Pradesh Archives).

Portrait of Nawab Daler Khan Daudzai (Pashtun)

Portrait of Nawab Daler Khan Daudzai (Pashtun). Source

Portrait of Nazar Bahadur Khweshgi (Pashtun)

Portrait of Nazar Khan Khweshgi (Pashtun). Source

Nazar Bahadur Khweshgi was born in the Pashtun colony of Kasur in Punjab. He was a noble of Mughal empire in the reigns of Jahangir and Shah Jahan. He reached the mansab of 4,000/4,000.

The Khwesgi Pashtuns had accompanied the army of Mughal king Babur in 1526 and had fought on his behalf against the army of Sultan Ibrahim Lodi. As a reward for their services, Babur granted them the present territory of Kasur as jagir. They were regarded with favour by Mughal emperors and many of them attained high ranks in the Mughal nobility.

Daud Shah Karrani as depicted in the 16th century Mughal paintings

Detail from a 16th century illustration from Akbarnama showing Sultan Daud Shah Karrani (Pashtun) wearing the robe of honour given to him by Munim Khan (the Mughal general), after surrendering and signing treaty with the latter in 1575 . 1 

Karrani Sultanate, which comprised of Bengal, Bihar, Orissa and Jharkhand at its peak, was founded by Taj Khan Karrani. The latter was succeeded by his brother Suleiman Karrani. Both were previously high-ranking nobles of Sher Shah Sur and Islam Shah Sur.

Karranis (the proper word is Karlanri (کرلاڼي) in Pashto) are a group of Pashtun tribes who are mostly found in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province of Pakistan. They include Khattak, Dilazak, Bannuchi, Dawar, Bangash, Wazir, Mahsud, Afridi, Orakzai, Turi, Zazai, Utman Khel, Mangal and few other tribes. The exact tribal identity of the the Karrani Sultans within the larger Karrani identity is not known.

Detail from a 16th century illustration of Akbarnama showing battle scene in which Daud Shah Karrani has been taken prisoner with his hands bound together, in 1576. 2

Khan Jahan (the Mughal general) chopped Daud Shah's head off. The headless body of Daud Shah Karrani was left to decay in Tanda (the capital of the Karrani sultanate), while the head was sent off to Emperor Akbar as a token of Mughal victory.

A portrait of a Monkey in the possession of Daud Khan Panni (a Pashtun), c. 1705–1710

A portrait of a Monkey in the possession of Daud Khan Panni (a Pashtun), c. 1705–1710. The inscription on the back of this work, written in Devanagari, states that the monkey is named Husaini and “comes from” Nawab Davad (or Daud) Khan.

Daud Khan Panni (originally from Sibi) was a noble of Mughal empire. He had craze for collecting different kind of animals. 

The painting has been dated to 1705/10 and is attributed to the anonymous artist now called the Stipple Master.  https://www.artic.edu/artworks/210511/a-monumental-portrait-of-a-monkey

Portrait of Zabita Khan Rohilla

Portrait of Nawab Zabita Khan, the Amir al-Umara of Mughal empire, made in c.1770 by Mihr Chand.

Zabita Khan was son of Najib al-Dawla (Yousafzai Pashtun) and father of Ghulam Qadir Rohilla. 

Source: https://asia.si.edu/object/S1986.416/

Karrapa disaster : Aimal Khan Mohmand defeats Mughals [1674]

In 1672 a general Pashtun uprising broke out against the Mughals. After suffering several reverses, Emperor Aurangzeb sent Shujaat Khan, who had recently made the name for himself by quelling Satnami rising in Punjab, with abundant war material and artillery to punish the Pashtuns (14th November 1673). Jaswant Singh was to cooperate with him. Shujaat Khan was a man of humble origin who had risen to high rank and the emperor's favour by his success by quelling the Satnami rising. Shujaat Khan came to Peshawar in February 1674 A.D to restore the imperial prestige, and after a short stay at Peshawar, moved to Gandab valley (in the present-day Mohmand Agency) on 21st February 1674, ignoring the advice of Jaswant Singh of staying in Peshawar for some more time.  Shujaat Khan climbed the saddle (kotal) of the Karapa Pass to push on to Kabul (Karrapa pass lies north-east of Kabul River while the Khyber Pass lies south-west of it). At Gandab, Aimal Khan, the supreme leader of the great Pashtun uprising, was preparing for attack on imperial armies. Aimal Khan had set up as king of the hillmen and struck coins in his own name.

That night there was a heavy fall of rain; and everyone in the Indian camp was brought to death's door by the extreme cold and wet. The Afghans from the heights on the two sides began to harass the Mughal army. Pashtuns occupied the top of the pass and blocked the path. The night was so dark that the planets missed their way in the wide plain of the sky, and therefore all men were frightened and troubled ---- unable either to advance or retreat. Shujaat Khan, proud of his bravery, began to fight with bows and muskets. The Pashtuns led by Aimal Khan Mohmand showered stones, arrows and bullets. But what the imperialists discharged missed the mark, while the missiles of the Pashtuns took effect. The Imperialist, perplexed and shaken, retreated to a safer position for the rest of the night. But many of them were be-numbered to death in the pass and many others paralyzed by the cold. At dawn the Pashtuns charged the Mughal army from all sides. Shujaat Khan sought and found a soldier's death in the front rank. Thousands of Shujaat Khan's soldiers fell on the battlefield.

Maharaja Jaswant Singh sent five hundreds Rajputs to rescue the Shujaat Khan's army. But his force was also defeated by Aimal Khan, and Jaswant Singh fled from the field along with two hundreds Rajputs.

Khushal Khan Khattak wrote about Aimal Khan's bravery as under;-

"And then Jaswant Singh and Shujaat Khan,
Of whom Aimal Khan plucked up the roots at Gandab.
The sixth was over Mukarram khan and Shamsher Khan,
Both of whom, at Khapash, Aimal scattered to the winds.

This disaster convinced Aurangzeb that a supreme effort had to be made to restore imperial prestige and decided to go there in person.  On 26th June 1674, he came to Hasan Abdal to direct the war.

An oil on canvas of two Afghan blue soldiers on the North west Frontier, one horseman with henna beard, turban, spear and round shield with three bolts, on a white horse with woven saddle with red and blue tassles, the horse being led by a soldier with his back to the viewer, with a musket over his shoulder, set against a mountainous sunset with low clouds, signed and dated lower left W. Fane 1879, in a gilt composition frame

References: 

1- History of Aurangzib, Vol-III, pp-235-236
2- Khafi Khan, Muntakhib-ul-lubab, Vol-III, p-143
3-  Mathir-i-Alamgiri, p-81
4- Fatuhat-i-Alamgiri, pp-108-

When Orakzais defeated the Mughal army in Tirah (The battle of Sampagha pass , 1619 AD)

In the latter part of the sixteenth century, Bayazid Ansari alias Pir-i-Roshan made Tirah his stronghold. The Roshniyas lived among the Orakzai, partly with the Ismailzai and Lashkarzai and partly in the Mastura valley with the Daulatzai. Orakzais fought on the side of Jalala (son of Pir Roshan) against the Mughals. Jalala was succeeded by his nephew and son-in-law, Ihdad. He further consolidated his position amongst the tribes of Tirah particularly amongst the Orakzai. By then Emperor Akbar had been succeeded by Emperor Jahangir. The latter sent Mahabat Khan (the Subedar of Kabul) to Tirah in 1618 A.D to crush the tribal support to Ihdad in Tirah. Mahabat Khan connived with the Bangash Khans of Hangu against the Orakzai chief, Asghar Daulatzai. The Banagsh 'Khan' invited some of the Orakzai notables, including Malik Asghar and his sons, the zealous followers of Ihdad, under the pretext of awarding them 'khilats'. All of them (about 300), except Malik Asghar and his cousin Tor, were massacred. When the neighboring tribes questioned the conduct of the involved Bangash 'Khans', they pleaded that by doing so they wanted to break the strength of Ihadad who made Tirah his stronghold and brought misery to the area. After this act of treachery by the Bangashes of Hangu, Malik Asghar gave up the chieftainship of the Orakzai tribe to his cousin, Malik Tor of Abdul Aziz Khel clan. Realizing this massacre as a preamble for the main invasion by the Mughals, the Daulatzai under Malik Tor and other Roshnais under Ihadad, occupied the crest of the pass.

As expected by Malik Tor, Ghairat Khan, the Mughal commander, along with twenty-two other Mughal leaders, led a large force via Kohat against the Orakzai. They took up position in the vicinity of the Ismailzai clan at the foot of the Loe Sang-Pajzah Ghashaey or Great Sang-Pajzah pass. Ghairat Khan was a hot-headed and self-opinionated person. He did not accept his deputy, Jalal Khan's prudent advice and attacked the Orakzai forthwith. Accompanied by some of the Syeds of barha, he climbed the hill to attack the "sangar" held by the Daulatzai clan. On reaching the crest of the pass, the Pashtuns of Tirah, collecting from different recesses of the hills and kotals, completely surrounded the attacking force. In this melee, the Orakzai hamstrung the horse of Ghairat Khan and got him dismounted. Ghairat Khan was confronted by Panju, a Firoz Khel Orakzai, who grappled him and both fell, rolling over the other. Panju cried out to his clansmen, "Strike ! Kill me along with him, only do not let him escape!"  And they did so; both Ghairat Khan and Panju were killed, locked firmly in each other's embrace. This killing of Ghairat Khan brought about the defeat of the Mughals. Jalal Khan Gakhar, Masud, son of Ahmad Baig Khan, Bejzan, son of Nad Ali, the Maidani and other imperial chiefs, fearing for their lives and unable to stand their ground, fled helter-skelter. The Orakzai, crowing different parts of the Kotal above, pelted them with stones and arrows, surrounded and slew the imperial troops in great numbers. Among the slain were Jalal Khan and Masud. The Orakzai captured about 5,000 horses, which reflects the extent of the disaster that the Mughals suffered.

Mahabat Khan, hearing of this disaster, dispatched a fresh force to the aid of the remnants of the defeated troops and further strengthened the Mughal posts in the area. Khushal Khan says, "The Mughals could affect nothing, and Mahabat was recalled ".

Tirah, 1898

Books consulted   

1- "Notes on Afghanistan and Balochistan" by H.G.Raverty
2-  "History of the Pathans", Vol-4, by Haroon Rashid
3-  "Tuzk-i-Jehangiri "
4-  Imperial Gazetteer2 of India, Volume 23

When Pashtun tribesmen wiped out an entire Mughal army in the Khyber Pass (1672)

In 1672 AD, a small incident triggered a huge war in Pakhtunkhwa. In that year some Mughal troops stationed in Kunar insulted a Parachi woman who was there to sell and buy. Some Pashtun men belonging to Safi tribe witnessed that and killed those troops for insulting that woman. Hussain Beg Khan, the Mughal faujdar of Jalalabad, called upon the chiefs of the Safi tribe to deliver the men involved in the attack on his men. They refused to do so. Other Pashtun tribes subject to the Kabul government were summoned to join him in punishing the Safis. The local Pashtun tribes, mostly Mohmands, being duty-bound, attended him but sent a word to the Safis that they had acted like men and that they would not draw their swords for the Mughals against them but would remain passive spectators. This they did and Hussain Beg Khan was completely defeated. He then attempted to seize the chieftains of the Pashtuns along with him, but their clansmen crowded around him and prevented it. On this he sent an exaggerated and one-sided report to Muhammad Amin Khan, the subahdar of Kabul, who was then at Peshawar to spend winters. Fatuhat-i-Alamgriri (a contemporary account of the reign of Aurangzeb) records the incident in the following manner:

"It so happened that Mirza Ali Beg , the faujdar of Jalalabad, on behalf of the Khan , treated the Pathans of the district (zila) badly and that tribe, which exceeded the locusts and ants, and was united among themselves and hostile to the outsiders, collected from every nook and corner, held consultations with each other and decided that the road to Kabul should be blocked so that Umdat-ul-Mulk many not be able to get (there)."

Muhammad Amin Khan was exceedingly arrogant and overbearing; no one dared to give an opinion contrary to his wishes, and he was much disliked. The Hussain Beg Khan, likewise, was not held in much esteem by the Pashtuns. It is related that on one occasion, when about to march from Jamrud to Kabul, the Pashtun chiefs of the mountains came to pay their respects to the representative of their ruler. He was intoxicated at that time , and Hussain Beg Khan was with him. The latter, seeing the Pashtun in attendance, said to him, "The Nawab's dogs desire to make their obeisance". This speech afterwards came to the ears of the Pashtuns and roused their indignation still more against the Mughals.

At the time this report reached Muhammad Amin Khan, he had started for Kabul with his army and entourage, accompanied by their families and household property. The news of the insult of the woman affiliated to Safi tribe spread amongst the Khyberi tribes. The Shinwaris,  Mohmands and Afridis resolved to oppose march of Muhammad Amin Khan through the Khyber, and they took post in the Landi Khana Kotal. According to Mughal historian Khafi Khan, the rising was headed by Aimal Khan and other Afghan heads. Muhammad Amin Khan was also accompanied by Mustajab Khan Mohmand, the Arbab of Peshawar, Khushal Khan Khattak and some chiefs of the Afridis and Orakzais.

 Sir Jadunath Sarkar writes:

"The Afridis rose under their chieftain Aemal Khan, a born general, who crowned himself king, struck coins in his own name, and proclaiming war against the Mughals, summoned all the Pathan clans to join the national movement. With a following more numerous than ants and locusts, he closed the Khyber Pass."

Arbab Mustajab Khan Mohmand was sent to negotiate with the insurgents. The negotiations failed. The Pashtuns had blocked Landi Khana Kotal with sangars and breastwork. Muhammad Amin Khan tried to force his way through the pass and sent a body of veterans under his son Abdullah, and other high officers, Mubariz Khan and Mahmud Khan Kheshgi (an Afghan of Hindustan) to attack the Pashtuns. When the Mughals approached the breastworks, the Pashtuns launched great stones or boulders down upon the Mughals. The elephants were forced back, Mahmud Khan Kheshgi was killed, and his troops were repulsed with great loss. Mubariz Khan also failed miserably and was also forced back. The Pashtuns pounced upon the retreating Mughals with their swords and daggers with disastrous effect. 

The fighting, after a short time, was again renewed and the battle raged for one whole day but Mughals could not gain anything against the Pashtuns. The Afridi and Orakzai allies of the Mughal subahdar kept aloof. But Khushal Khan Khattak along with his men fought hard for the Mughals. Horses, elephants and men were mixed up in the confusion and disorder seized the Mughal army. The Mughal army was routed. The shattered Mughal army proceeded in the direction of Tararrah where they were again attacked by the Pashtuns. This completed the destruction of Mughal army. For three days i.e 18th, 19th and 20th April, the massacre and loot continued.

Amin Khan was completely defeated. He lost everything - troops, treasure, elephants, family including his wife, mother, sister, son, daughters, and brothers-in-law, as well as the wives and families of the other Mughal nobles. Khushal Khan Khattak chimes:

اول جنگ د لوړو شا د تهترو و

چې څلوېښت زره مغل شـول تار په تار

خويندې وروڼه يې بندې د پښتنو شوې

اس، اوښان، هاتيان، ولجـه قطار قطار

"The first fight was at the higher back of Mount Tatarah, when forty thousand Mughals were scattered like chaff. Where their sisters and daughters fell into the hands of the Pashtuns, with horses and camels, elephants and baggage, string after string."

According to Fatukhat-i-Alamgiri:

"In short 10,000 soldiers fell in this expedition and about two crores of rupees in cash and kind was looted by the Afghans. They captured 20,000 men and women, whom they sold in Turan and Central Asia. "

Utterly humbled and exhausted, Muhammad Amin Khan and some of his high officers succeeded in escaping to Peshawar with bare lives and everything else was lost. A Pashtun 'Jemadar' brought Amin Khan via a secret route. Mannuci writes:

"Muhammad Amin Khan ordered his secretary, Muhammad Riza, to take the seat on his elephant, and thus he was destroyed, the Pathans supposing that it was Muhammad Amin Khan himself. They contented themselves with cutting off this man's head and carrying it into the mountains. Muhammad Amin Khan, with the aid of some Pathans in his service, clothed himself in their manner, and these men conducted him until he had got out of the hills and arrived at Peshawar." 

Khushal Khan Khattak in his diary says:

"When on the first of Muharram 1083 H, Muhammad Amin Khan's army was routed in Khyber, both Mustajab and I were with him. We escaped via Tahtarah and came to Peshawar. Muhammad Amin Khan, attended by a few horsemen, had already reached Peshawar. The whole of his family as well as the train was lost. His mother, sister, daughter and attendants were made captive. His wife was killed. His son and brother-in-law were also killed. I was very ill and had still to cover the distance sometime walking and sometime riding through the Tahtarah mountains and was thus completely exhausted. I therefore sent Ashraf Khan to wait upon Muhammad Amin Khan. He was in woeful condition , bewildered and perplexed. Conferring with Ashraf Khan he inquired about me and said to him, ' Also convey my Salam to your father saying i am glad about his safe return and pray to God for is recovery from illness. Also tell him to come to me if he can".

After paying a large amount of money to the Pashtuns, Amin Khan got released his youngest daughter who was just a child , his mother and some other females.

Returning to Peshawar, Muhammad Amin Khan took base revenge for the consequences of his own folly. In anger he killed Arbab Mustajab Khan Mohmand, one of the chief men of Peshawar. According to Fatuhat-i-Alamgiri, Mustajab, in his death agony, cried out for a little water to drink. Muhammad Amin Khan answered, "Many Muslims have died of thirst. It is not wrong that you should die of the same cause, as reparation for it"

This signal victory increased the prestige and resources of Aimal Khan Mohmand. The tale of his rich booty spread through out the hills and lured recruits to his banners.

Muhammad Amin Khan , son of Mir Jumla

Portrait of Muhammad Amin Khan, 1685 (c). Source

References: 

1- "Notes on Afghanistan", H.G.Raverty, p-42
2- "On foreign approach to Khushal", Dost Muhammad Kamil, p-
2- "History of the Pathans" by Haroon Rashid, Vol-IV, pp-171-177
3- "History of Aurangzib", Jadunath sarkar, Vol-III, p-150
4-  Storia da Mogor, Vol-II, p-200
5-  Fatuhat-i-Alamgiri, pp.103-106

 the Mughal governor of Kabul whose entire army got defeated and destroyed by Aimal Khan Mohmand in the Khyber Pass in 1672. By anonymous artist, made in circa 1685. He was son of immensely wealthy Iranian/Persian nobleman Mir Jumla.

The perilous and painful march of Man Singh Kachwaha through Khyber Pass

In 1586 Mohmands and other Ghoria-Khels acknowledged Jalala (son of Pir Roshan) as their leader and rose in revolt against Mughals. They invested the Bala Hissar of Peshawar. Sayyid Hamid, who was faujdar of Peshawar, sallied forth from the fort and engaged in combat with Ghoria Khels but he got killed. 

Raja Man Singh, the celebrated general of Mughal emperor Akbar, marched from Jalalabad towards the Khyber but he caught fever at Pish-Bolak, and he halted there for some time. 

After the success over Sayyid Hamid, the Mohmands, Khalils and others of the Ghoria-Khels entered Khyber Pass and blocked it with sangars. Some of them also went to Tirah. Sukat Singh, son of Man Singh, tried to make a forced march through the Khyber but was unable to do so because the path was closed; and now Yousafzais and other Pashtuns, joined the confederacy.

By the time Kunwar, Man Singh, had recovered from illness, the forces dispatched from Lahore, on the news of outbreak and death of Sayyid Hamid had not yet reached their destination. They were at Attock, but unable to proceed. Man Singh, therefore selecting 3,000 from his force, and leaving the rest as an escort for Mirza Suleiman, late ruler of Badakhshan, who was on his way to Akbar's court, proposed to march into Tirah, and thence to fall upon the Afridi Afghans, who were the yeast of disturbances in that quarter, after which he would suddenly advance through the Shadi Dara'h to Ali Masjid, in order that the different bodies of troops might effect a junction there , and open the Khyber route , which had been completely closed by the rebels.

Man Singh, accordingly, without encumbering himself with much baggage, marched at night from his camp at Pish-Bolak, and at daybreak reached the Kotel of Chhar-Jo-e. The Kotel was encumbered with snow - it was early in December - and the ascents and descents were great. With much difficulty the defile was cleared.

Man Singh halted at Bazarak, the diminutive form of Bazar, for a short time , and the following day a force, led by Muhammad Quli Beg, fell upon Afridis and captured a great deal of booty. Some of his officers wished Man Singh to return, in order that they might conduct their booty to a place of safety, but he would not hear of it. He continued his advance, and, by the Darah of Jzawarah (the Pashto for deep) reached the hills on which the Mohmands and Khalils, and others of the Ghoria Khels had taken up their position. Upon this the rebels tendered their submission, and thereby saved themselves. But no sooner had the Badshah's troops penetrated these mountain tracts and defiles than Jalala and his Tarikis (Roshnais) fell upon their rear, and the whole of the Afghan tribes round about rose. Takhtah Beg, the officer in command of the rear guard, and other warriors, showed great gallantry upon this occasion, and fought with determined obstinacy, but being hard pressed they had to close up on the main body, and be relieved by another detachment of troops. After a deal of fighting the enemy gave up their attacks.

The Kunwar, Man Singh, now turned his face towards Ali Masjid and gave the command of the rear guard to his eldest son, Jagat Singh. Observing this retrograde movement, the Afghans again assembled in great numbers, and the affair assumed a very serious aspect. (Author's note: The Afghans invariably follow the retreat of troops , and attack their rear if possible, it is their universal tactics, and had been for centuries, and should always be expected and provided for). There was no open ground for the troops to act and get at the enemy , and, amidst volleys of stones and showers of arrows , the men had to mount the hills and grapple with enemy as best as they could , and every now and again they made vigorous onsets upon them.

 At last more open ground appeared in sight , and there Man Singh, contrary to the advice of some of nobles with him, resolved to make a stand. Takhta Beg and a body of Kabulis in his force, in their turn now became the assailants and attacked the Afghans ; and after some severe fighting the enemy was defeated and compelled to retire to their fastnesses in the hills.

Some of the officers were of opinion that, as the day had nearly closed, they should bivouac for the night on the scene of their success, but others were for pushing on to Ali Masjid without delay. This was done ,and ,without halting the Mughal force reached that place by the Shadi Darah.

Jalala and his Tarikis followed them very quickly. About two hours before mid-night he reached the vicinity of Ali Masjid and took up a position where he and his followers lay in wait in battle array for an opportunity to molest the Badshah's troops.

Some of the leaders under Man Singh were for sallying out upon the enemy at daybreak, but the troops were too much knocked up from the long march and their exertions to be able then to do so. At midday, Madhu Singh, appeared in sight with Raja Bagwandas's division of troops from the side of Peshawar, which had been detached from the Badshah's army, but as previously mentioned, had been detained at Attock. At the sight of the reinforcements, the Tarikis dispersed in all directions.



 

Man Singh

Fort Jamrud, at the foot of the Khyber Pass," a photo from c. the 1920's*; also *a view of the Khyber Pass

Pashtun–Mughal War (1672–1677)

In 1672 some soldiers of Hussain Beg Khan, the Mughal faujdar of Kunar, insulted a Parachi women affiliated to Safi tribe, which infuriated the Safi tribe who killed the culprit Mughal soldiers. Hussain Beg Khan retaliated by attacking and plundering the Safi territory. This incident led to a great Pashtun revolt against Mughals.


Mughal force disaster in Khyber , 1672

Aimal Khan , leading the lashkar of Afridis, Shinwaris and Mohmands,  closed the Khyber Pass in the spring of 1672. Muhammad Amin Khan,  the haughty Mughal governor of Kabul, who had been passing the winter at Peshawar, moved to Kabul for the summer months, disregarding his officer's advice. He had with him all his family and camp followers, which slowed down the rest of his army, and doomed them to an ambush in the narrow gorge at Ali Masjid.

In the battle that followed the Afghans rained down arrows, bullets, and stones from the hill-tops on the Mughals. The army broke into a confused mass into which the triumphant enemy charged. Muhammad Amin Khan and his officers escaped with their lives to Peshawar but forty thousand men fell under the enemy's sword in the field, and above two crores of rupees in cash and kind was looted by the enemy. They captured 20,000 men and women and sent them to Central Asia for sale. Amin Khan's own family, including his wife, were among the prisoners but he secured their release by paying a huge ransom.


Aimal Khan declares himself a King

Encouraged by the great victory at Khyber pass, Aimal Khan Afridi declared himself a king, assumed the title of Aimal Shah, and struck coins in his own name. He summoned all the Pashtun tribes to join the national uprising against the Mughals.


General Afghan rising

News of this great victory, and of the immense riches gained by Aimal, spread like wildfire among the Afghans. Many of them came over to his army; other tribes raised the banner of revolt against the Mughals. The recently suppressed Yusufzai's recovered their lands from Mughal occupation.


Battle of Nowshera

The Khattak tribe, located in the southern portions of Peshwar, rose under their chieftain Khushal Khan, who had recently served in the Mughal campaign against his hereditary enemies the Yusufzais. Khushal joined up with Aimal Khan and Darya Khan Afridi and inspired the Afghans with his poetry and by his victories over the isolated Mughal posts. He led a joint tribal lashkar consisting of eight thousands men to attack the Mughal fort in Nowshera. Pir Paie was burnt to ashes and later on the fort at Nowshera was ransacked. Imperial forces suffered heavy losses in men and material.


Doaba campaign

After the victory at Nowshera, the Pashtun lashkar defeated the Mughal commander Mir Hussain at Doaba near Charsadda.

Mahabat Khan, the new governor,  was  nearly seventy and incapable of much exertion. He remained inactive at Peshawar and was only persuaded to make move towards Kabul by repeated orders from the emperor. Aurangzeb was displeased with Mahabat Khan and sent Shujaat Khan to deal with Afghan tribes.


Defeat of Mughal army at Karapa

Shujaat Khan, who had recently made the name for himself by quelling Satnami rising, was sent by Aurangzeb to quell the Afghan resistance . Shujaat Khan came to Peshawar in February 1674 A.D to restore the imperial prestige, and after a short stay at Peshawar, moved to Gandab valley. He found the Karrapa pass blocked by Afghans led by Aimal Khan. The Afghans attacked the imperial army with swords and stones alike, Shujaat Khan was killed while fighting against the Afghans.Thousands of Mughals soldiers were killed in this affair.


Aurangzeb takes command

The Karrapa disaster convinced Aurangzeb that a supreme effort must be made to restore imperial prestige. He himself went to Hasan Abdal and stayed there for year and half directing the operations. The emperor took with him all the veterans who had service in afghan country in the previous reigns. Aghar khan, who had distinguished himself in the by fighting afghans on previous occasions, being recalled from Deccan to accompany him. Force and diplomacy, both were tried, and the emperor was able to, to restore peace inn the neighborhood of Peshawar. Many clans were won over by lucre and posts in the Mughal service.

Agha Khan, a Turki general,  was directed to escort Prince Akbar and to keep open the Khyber pass. At Gandamak he engaged in action with Afghans, who were thirty or forty thousands strong. After both the sides had suffered heavy losses, the Afghans gave way.. Aghar Khan himself received fatal injuries but survived.

Aghar Khan next occupied Nangarhar and opened the Jagdalak pass, expelling the Ghilzais from it.

In 1675 A.D,  the Afghans inflicted a crushing defeat on Fidai Khan at Jagdalak on his way to Peshawar. His fate would have been sealed if Aghar Khan had not rescued him by a prompt action from Gandamak.


Mughal devasation at Khapush;

In June 1675 A.D, the Mughal army received another blow in the battle of Khapush. Mukarram Khan while operating near Khapush in the Bajaur country was lured into an ambush and repulsed with heavy losses by Pashtun lashkar led by Aimal Khan and Darya Khan. Mughal commander Shamsher Khan got killed in this battle while the seriously wounded Mukarram Khan was able to reach the Mughal base in Bajaur.

At the end of August there were two local reverses; the thanadar of Jagdalik was slain and that of Barangab and Surkhab was driven out of his post with severe loss of men. But all the Mughal positions in Afghanistan were strengthened, and by December, 1675, the situation has sufficiently improved to enable the emperor to leave the Punjab for Delhi.


Khushal Khan invades Kohat and gets defeated 

At the time of Aurangzeb's leaving for Lahore, a fierce fight took place between Khushal Khan Khattak and Sher Muhamamd Bangash, a pro-Mughal chief, at Gumbat near Kohat. Sher Muhammad Bangash defeated Khushal Khan , Khushal Khan and his son Abdul Qadir were seriously wounded.

Next year Aurangzeb sent Prince Mu'azzam against the Afghans. With the Prince were associated Amir Khan and other distinguished generals.


Amir Khan quells the revolt

Amir Khan successfully coped with the Afghans and his services were recognized by the bestowal of the governorship of Kabul on him. He governed Afghanistan with considerable tact and ability. He granted large subsidies to the border tribes and won them over to his side by lucrative concessions. quells the revolt. Under his astute management, they ceased to trouble the imperial government and spent their energies in internecine quarrels. Once he broke up a confederacy under Aimal Khan by secretly instigating that chieftain's followers to ask him to divide the conquered territory among them.When Aimal declined on the ground of the insufficiency of the land, the disappointed hill- men began to return home. And when at last he did make a division, his other followers left him because of his having shown greater favour to his own clansmen.

The emperor triumphed in Afghanistan by following the policy of paying subsidies and setting clan against clan. Amir Khan's diplomacy broke up the confederacy under Aimal, and when that able leader dies the Afridis made terms with the empire. The Khyber was kept open. But Khush-hal Khan Khattak continued the war single-handed for many years afterwards, till his own son betrayed him to the enemy. The fallen chieftain solaced his exile and captivity by composing stinging verses against Aurangzeb.


Impact of Afghan war on Mughal empire

The war had cost much to the empire. Apart from the financial loss, the political loss was grievous. It made the employments of afghans in the ensuing Rajput war impossible. Though the afghans were just class of soldiers who could have won the victory for imperialists in the rugged and barren country. It relived pressure on Shivaji by draining the Deccan of the best of Mughal troops for elsewhere .The Maratha chief fully exploited the diversion to consolidate himself and sweep through Golkanda, Karnatak and Bijapur during the fifteen months following December 1676. Thus frontier trouble adversely reacted upon the stability of empire.



Sources

1-Studies in Mughal History - Ashvini Agrawal
2- Mughal Empire in India: A Systematic Study Including Source Material - S.R. Sharma -
3-Mughal Rule in India - Stephen Meredyth Edwardes -
4-The Mughal Empire from Babar to Aurangzeb - Sm Jaffar -
5- History of Aurangzib - Jadunath Sarkar

Aurangzeb Alamgir

Khushal Khan Khattak