History of Gor Khatri of Peshawar city

Gor Khuttree is an important monument in the old city of Peshawar. It can be either appraoched from Chowk Yadgar or from Hastnagari Gate. In ancient times it was a Buddhist establishment which later assumed a Hindu character. The earliest account of the site is given by Babur. Both Akbar and Jahangir regard it as a place of jogis (Hindu saints who believe in quiet meditiation). It had become a place of Hindu pilgrimage and its fame had reached far and wide. In the year 1640 AD Jahan Ara Begum, daughter of Mughal emperor Shah Jahan, converted the site into Serai Jahanabad and built also a Jami Masjid and a Hammam. During the days of Sikhs the mosque was destroyed, and a temple of Gorakhnath was built on its site. 

Gor Kattri, Peshawar city, 1910 (c). Photo by R.B.Holmes. 

Lord Curzon arrival at Gor Khatri, Peshawar, to receive the address from Municipality of Peshawar city, 1902. Photo by W.D.Holmes.

Hindu ascentics at Gor Khatri in Peshawar, 16th century. A folio from an Illustrated manuscript of Baburnama, ca.1592.

The avenue at the tomb of Mughal king Babur, Kabul, Afghanistan, 1840 (c)

The avenue at the tomb of Mughal king Babur, Kabul, Afghanistan, 1840 (c). Painting by James Atkinson.

Ghulam Qadir Rohilla did not force the Mughal princesses to dance for him ; Allama Iqbal made a blunder in his poem.

There is a poem of Allama Iqbal by name of "Ghulam Qadir Rohilla" in Banga-i-Dara, the English translation of which, done by Iqbalurdu blog, is given below:

How cruel, tyrant and vindictive the Ruhilah was

He blinded the Mughal Emperor with the point of his dagger

The tyrant ordered members of the royal household to dance
This tyranny was no less than the Judgment Day’s signal

For the delicate ladies of the royal household it was

Utterly impossible to comply with this shameless order

Ah!

The merciless one made them the means of pleasure
Whose beauty had been veiled from sun’s, moon’s and stars

The feeble hearts were throbbing, the feet were forced to move
A river of blood was flowing from the wet eyes of the princesses

For some time his eyes remained thus absorbed in seeing
In confusion he freed his head from the load of Mighfar

He untied the deadly, fire‐spitting sword from the waist
Whose sharpness was a source of luminescence to the stars

He put the dagger in front, and lied down in some thought
Sleep was demanding rest from the red eyes so to say

The water of sleep extinguished the embers of his eyes
The tyrant’s sight became ashamed of the painful spectacle!

He got up and started saying this to Taimur’s household
“You should have no complaint against your fate”

My sleeping in the couch was a mere show, an affectation
Because stupor is foreign to the dignity of fighters

It was my intention that some daughter of Taimur
Considering me unconscious might kill me with my own dagger,

But at last this secret has dawned to the whole world
Concern for honor has departed from Taimur’s household.”

Ghulam Qadir Rohilla forced Mughal princes (males), not princesses, to sing and dance for him. Allama Iqbal made a blunder there. It does not make sense that Ghulam Qadir would mock Mughal princesses for not possessing courage, ghairat and manliness. Allama Iqbal has misquoted the contemporary source Ibrat-nama (written in c.1790 AD), the author of which writes regarding the incident as follows:

"On the 25th Zil Qada, Ghulam Qadir called Prince Akbar, Suleiman Shikoh, and the other Princes, nineteen in number, before him, and with harsh words called upon them to sing and dance before him. They declined ; but he would not listen to them, saying that he had long heard praises of their singing and dancing. He then commanded his attendants to cut of the Princes' noses if they did not sing. The princes and boys, seeing there was no escaping from his commands, did as they were directed, and sang and danced. He was very pleased and asked them what recompense they desired. They said, "Our father and children are in great want of water and food, we ask for some". He gave his consent. He then turned all his attendants out of the room, and, placing his head upon the knees of Prince Akbar, went to sleep, leaving his sword and knife in their presence. He closed his eyes for an hour, and then getting up, he slapped each of them on the neck, and said, "Can such (craven) spirits entertain the idea of reigning? I wanted to try your courage. If you had any spirit, you would have made an end of me with my sword and dagger. " Then abusing them in foul disgusting words, he sent them out of his presence." (Translation of an extract of Ibrat-nama by S.M.Elliot).

Allama Iqbal

 

Few instances of veneration of trees by Pashtuns in medieval period

The author of Asrar al-Afaghina (completed in 1604 A.D) reports that in late 16th century a tree became a shrine for the Pashtuns of Swat and Peshawar. Thousands of men and women used to visit the tree and made offerings. An officer of Mirza Hakim (the Mughal ruler of Kabulistan) cut the tree to discourage the practice.

The veneration of a tree could be a leftover of the pre-Islamic religion of Pashtuns. According to the "Ajaib al-Makhluqat" of Muhammad al-Tusi (written in 1160-1167 AD), there was a large tree with circumference of seventeen arsh (?) in a Tamarisk forest of the Pashtun country. That particular tree was known as 'the tree of Brahman' (درخت برهمن) and Pashtuns would prostrate before it.

A Turkoman who killed more than one thousand Pashtuns by boiling them alive in large cauldrons

In 1610s, the Mughal governor of Siwi fort (i.e. Sibi fort in modern Baluchistan, Pakistan) killed more than one thousand Pashtuns by boiling them alive in large cauldrons to create awe and terror in the hearts of the unruly population.

The name of that Mughal officer was Quje Ali and and he was a Turkoman by race. He kept two big cauldrons of boiling water perpetually ready and would throw those people into it who he would deem as malefactors. 

However, he could not subdue the Panni tribe of Pashtuns through terror. He was perpetually engaged in wars with Panni Pashtuns until he was recalled to India. His successor, Shaikh Bol, was killed by Panni Pashtuns in 1617. 

References: 
 
1-'Zakhiratul Khawanin' by Shaikh Farid Bukhari 
2- Tarikh i Mazhar Shahjahani

Saint Eulampia and her brother are boiled alive in oil and the torture of Saint Rufina of Rome. Origin: Amsterdam. Date: 1700. Creator: Jan Luyken

 Ruins of Siwi or Sibi fort (erroneously referred to as Mir Chakar fort) :

Sibi district

The district and town of Nowshera in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa is named after a 16th century Mughal fort

The district and town of Nowshera in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa is named after a 16th century Mughal fort built by Mughal general Zain Khan Koka (1) for the purpose of subduing Yousafzais. 

Mughal emperor Jahangir in his diary writes : 

"On the other side of the river Kama (2) there is a fort which Zain Khan Koka built at the time when he was appointed to subjugate the Yousafzai Afghans, and called Naushahr (New city). About 50,000 rupees were spent upon it. They say that Humayun used to hunt rhinoceros (3) in this region."[  "The Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri", translated into English by Henry Beveridge, p-102].

Notes

1- "Koka" means foster brother in Turki language. Zain Khan was the son of Akbar's wet-nurse and thus received the title Koka.

2.River Kama is river Kabul. Jahangir writes : "The Kama is a river that flows by the qasba of Jalalabad". 

3. Rhinoceros are now extinct in Nowshera. Also read this relevant blog-post

Portrait of Zain Khan Koka, late 16the century painting. Source

Description of Pashtuns by Niccolao Manucci (1638–1717)

Niccolao Manucci (1638–1717) was a Venetian traveller who worked in the Mughal court and spent almost 60 years in India. He gives the following description of Pashtuns:- 

 "The Pathans might collect eighty thousand horse and much infantry. But they are scattered in different parts of the kingdom and differ from the Pathans who live beyond the river [Indus] and to the west of it, about whom the Mogul has to be very careful, for at one time they claimed the crown." "These [the Pathans] for the greater part serve as soldiers; others are merchants; and they resort to no other occupations. They are very avaricious and foolhardy. When they come to court, they are well-clad and well-armed, caracolling on fine horses richly caparisoned, posing as persons of some consideration, and followed by several servants borrowed or hired for the day. On reaching their house they divest themselves of all this finery, and, tying a scanty cloth round their loins and wrapping a rag round their head, they take their seat on a mat, and live on quichire (kichrl) — i.e., rice and lentils — or badly-cooked cow's flesh of low quality, which is very abundant in the Mogul country and very cheap. In this manner they put by money and grow into merchants. They are very jealous about their women, are not very literate, fond of the chase and of dogs, dextrous with bows. They hate the Moguls so much that they will not intermarry with them; they are extremely pretentious, each one thinking himself greater than the rest, and decline to concede to others any superiority." "In spite of these dissensions they are all of one race, descended from an ancient prince called Pasto (Pashto). He had many sons — I notice there were six-and-thirty of them — who divided the kingdom at his death. It lay on the farther side of the Indus, towards the west. They proclaimed these as separate principalities, their descendants taking the name of their ancestor. One calls himself Issofzaj (Yusufzai) — that is, 'Son of Joseph'; others are Mahomedzaj (Muhammadzai), Iszai (Isazai), Surina (Suranis of Bannu?), Pane (Panni), Massuani(?), Coatro (?), Lody (Lodi). In this manner they entitle themselves after their ancient princes, and the name of Pathan has come down from the first prince, Pasto. Their language differs from the speech of India. They follow the Mahomedan faith, yet there is a difference in their sects, for some venerate Muhammad, others 'Ali, others 'Usman, and others some other disciple of the false prophet. ["Storia do Mogor", English translation, Vol-2, p-453]

 

Portrait of an Afghan (Pashtun) warlord, India, Delhi school, early 19th Century. Source

Mir Chakar Rind : separating fiction from history

Mir Chakar Rind is often glorified as the “King of Baluchistan”, and some modern accounts bestow upon him the epithet "the great." However, a rigorous examination of history reveals a different picture. Far from a king, Chakar Rind appears to have been no more than a tribal chieftain, his stature inflated by legend and fiction. Even according to Baloch folklore, his power was limited to that of a tribal leader, as evidenced by his inability to defeat the Lashari tribe in a protracted thirty-year war. [1]

It is often claimed that Chakar Rind, at the head of forty thousand Rind Baloch warriors, joined forces with Mughal emperor Humayun to secure the Delhi throne for the latter. However, this claim not corroborated by any contemporary or near contemporary historical source [2]. Eyewitness accounts penned by Gulbadan Begum, Bayazid Bayat, and Jauhar Aftabchi, all of whom accompanied Humayun, make no mention of Chakar Rind. This conspicuous absence suggests that Chakar Rind was either of little consequence to Humayun's endeavors, or that he did not join the Mughal camp to begin with.

The claim that Mir Chakar Rind joined Humayun against Sur Afghans, is also not supported by the Baloch ballads recorded in 19th century by Longworth Dames and other British officials. In fact, Baloch ballads narrate tales of Chakar Rind and his sons waging war against Humayun Chughtai and his Mughal forces, and emerging victorious [3][4]. These legends are not corroborated by Mughal sources.

Who was the historical Chakar Rind? According to the Tabaqat-i-Akbari by Khawaja Nizamuddin Ahmad (compiled in 1593-94), Mir Chakar Rind arrived in Multan from the vicinity of Siwi (Sibi) with his two sons, Mir Allahdad and Mir Shahdad, in the early sixteenth century. Chakar Rind sought to enter the service of Sultan Mahmud Langah of Multan but was thwarted by Malik Sohrab Dodai, a favoured noble of the Langah Sultan. Subsequently, Chakar Rind departed from Multan and sought the protection of Jam Bayazid Sammah of Shortkot (in modern-day Jhang district, Punjab), a former wazir of the Langah Sultans who had pledged allegiance to Sultan Sikandar Lodi. Jam Bayazid granted him a jagir from the royal lands (of the Lodi sultan?), likely Satgarah. The relevant passage in the Tabaqat-i-Akbari reads as follows:

"About this time Mir Chakar Rind came to Multan from the direction of Siwi (Sibi) with his two sons Mir Allahdad and Mir Shahdad. Mir Shahdad was the first man who promulgated the Shia religion in Multan. As Malik Suhrab Dudai was held in great honour by the Langahs, Mir Chakar Rind could not remain there; and sought an asylum with Jam Bayazid. As he was the head of a clan, Jam Bayazid received him with much honour, and bestowed on him and his sons a part of the territory which was in the Khalsa or crown land." [5]

Thus, we learn that Mir Chakar Rind was merely a jagirdar serving Jam Bayazid during the reign of Sultan Sikandar Lodi. The author of the Tabaqat-i-Akbari characterizes him as a clan leader rather than a former king.

Mir Chakar Rind is also mentioned in the Tuhfa-i-Akbarshahi, a biography of Sher Shah Sur compiled around 1580 AD by Abbas Khan Sarwani at the behest of Mughal Emperor Akbar. This source reveals that Chakar Rind was an official of the Suri empire and served as an administrator of the town and pargana of Satgarha (located in modern-day Okara district, Punjab) during the 1540s under the authority of Sher Shah Sur. Haibat Khan Niazi, Sher Shah's governor of Punjab, once visited Chakar Rind, who became apprehensive due to insufficient preparation time. The relevant passage in the Tuhfa-i-Akbarshahi reads as follows:

 

“When Sher Shah had laid siege to the fort of Raisin, he received a letter from Khawas Khan saying that he and Niazi had developed some differences between themselves. “The letter contained a request that Sher Shah should, therefore, summon one of the two. Having gone through the letters of Khawas , Sher Shah summoned Khawas Khan, Isa Khan Niazi and Habib khan. Then he conferred the country of Punjab on Haibat Khan Niazi and ordered him to rescue and rehabilitate Multan which had been usurped by the Balochs. He was also to chastise Fateh Khan Jat of Qabula, who had been, during the Mughal period, laying waste to the country up to Panipat. As soon as Haibat Khan received these orders, he summoned the representative of Chakar Rind – The hakim (حاکم) of Satgarah. The representative was told to go and inform Chakar Rind that Haibat khan Niazi was going to tour those areas. Chakar should be prepared to present his contingent for review. One who related the story that he had heard it from Wakil Fateh Khan Kanbo that when he went to Chakar Rind and disclosed to him what Haibat Khan Niazi has said, the former was thrown in panic, he had no time either to a reception or to put together the ‘lashkar’ as demanded. At this time Haibat Khan Niazi was merely two day’s distance away. Next morning the news came that Haibat Khan Niazi had already arrived. Hearing this, Chakar became nervous, although he did manage to get on his horse and to go out to receive the dignity.” [6]

The above passage from Tuhfa-i-Akbarshahi indicates that Chakar Rind was far from being an independent and powerful king of a vast realm. Instead, he was a subordinate of the Punjab governor, his estate limited to the pargana of Satgarh. There are no Mughal records of Mir Chakar Rind and his progeny pertaining to events after 1555 AD, suggesting that they were ignored by the Mughals due to their former affiliation with the Sur Afghans. He died at Satghara and is buried there.

References

1- "Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal", Vol-49, Part 1, p-140
2- "Popular Poetry of the Baloches" (1907), by M.Longworth Dames, Vol-1, p-32
3- Ibid, p-33
4- "Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal" (1880), Vol-49, Part 1, p-142
5- Tabaqat-i-Akbari", translated into English by Brajendranath De, Volume III, pp.804-804.
6- "Afghans of the Frontier Passes: A Study in the Historical Geography of Sibi and Dhader in the Balochistan Province of Pakistan" (1992), by A.Aziz Luni, Vol-1, p-86

Maueloum of Chakar Rind at Satgarha

Source

Nimla or Mimla garden (Nangarhar province)

The Nimla garden (Khogiani district, Nangarhar) was ordered to be constructed by Mughal emperor Shah Jahan on the eighteenth of Sha'ban 1056 Hijri (September 1646) between the time of his coming from Delhi to Kabul, and his return to Delhi [1]. It is said to be the work of the famous architect Ali Mardan Khan, who designed many of the Mughal buildings in the Punjab.

Nimla village lies about 5 miles east of Gandamak and 30 miles from Jalalabad. Its inhabitants are Khogiani Afghans and Tajiks. Mughal emperor Jahangir hunted a female panther between the village of Nimlah and Bagh-I-Wafa (Jalalabad). "On the 24th, between the garden of Wafa and Nimlah, a hunt took place, and nearly forty red antelope were killed. A female panther (yuz) fell into our hands in this hunt. The zamindars of that place, Laghmanis and Afghan Shal, came and said that they did not remember, nor had they heard from their fathers that a panther had been seen in that region for 120 years". [2]

In 1832 the traveler Lal Mohan passed through Nimla; "25 November: On our road we passed through the beautiful garden of Nimlah, which refreshed our sight. The fine scented nargis (narcissus) abounded in this orchard." [3]

Charles Masson describes the village and garden in 1830s as, "This village is a small one of eighty houses, but the garden appears very advantageously with its tall cypress- trees. It is famed for narcissuses, posies of which are sent as presents to Kabal". [4]

Nimlah or Mimlah Bagh (Khogiani district, Nangarhar), with soldiers in the foreground, taken by John Burke in 1878.

References

1- "Siraj al-Tawarikh", English translation, p-1604
2- Tuzuk-e-Jahangiri, ‎Henry Beveridge's translation, p-125

3- "Travels in the Panjab, Afghanistan,Turkistan, to Balk, Bokhara, and Herat", 1846 ...By Lal Mohan

4- "Narrative of Various Journeys in Balochistan, Afghanistan", Vol-3, p-186

History of Nowshera

Nowshera was founded by Zain Khan Koka. Emperor Jahangir in his "Tuzuk" while crossing Indus in 1016-H (1607-8 AD) writes that Zain Khan Koka built a fort on the southern side of Kamah (River Kabul) and named it as Noh-shahrah '.

"On the other side of the river Kama (river Kabul) there is a fort which Zain Khan Koka built at the time when he was appointed to subjugate the Yusufzai Afghans, and called Naushahra (New city). About 50,000 rupees were spent upon it. They say that Humayun used to hunt rhinoceros in this region." [The Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri: or, Memoirs of Jahangir, Henry Beveridge's translation, p-102 ]

Old Nowshera is situated at a short distance to the east of Nowshera Cantonment with the present-day town of Nowshera to its north on the other side of the Kabul River. ["On a Foreign Approach to Khushhal" by Dost Muhammad Khan Kamil, p-139]

This fort is also mentioned in the reign of Shahjahan. ln the 14th regnal year (1641 A.D.) of the fatter, Daler Khan, the thanedar of Nowshera, was killed along with his kith and kin by the Yusufza'is. Locating the Nowshera fort, the Peshawar District Gazetteer 1897-98 (p. 374) records that "... about one and a half miles along the Peshawar road, close to the village of Nowshera Khurd, is an old masonry fort now in ruins.". This ruinous fort appears to have been levelled to ground and converted into agricultural field. [Quarterly Journal of the Pakistan Historical Society, 2002]

In 1674 Khushhal Khan Khattak staged an attack on the fort at Nowshera and carried it.

Grand Trunk Road near Nowshera, North West Frontier Province , c.1910. Photographed by R.B.Holmes

Y.M.C.A, Nowshera (Khyber Pakhtunkhwa), ca.1929.

Boat bridge and Railway bridge,  Nowshera, 1919. Photo by R.B.Holmes

Nowshera, NWFP, Ice Factory, ca.1929

Nowshera Railway Station, c.1930

Nowshera City, 1915.

Native holiday, Nowshera c.1915

Native holiday, Nowshera c.1915

Flooded street, Nowshera, 1929

Nowshera, Ponton Boat Bridge on River Kalbul, Showing the River in Flood, 1929

Mall road Nowshera , c.1940

Nowshera Bridge over flooded river, 1929 

Flooded market street , Nowshera, 1929.

View of Attock fort from Khairabad after the great flood of 1929. Press Photo. Caption: " This photo shows a view of Attock, near Khairabad, after flood waters from the Indus had brought down great quantities of timber. The village folk had a gala day collecting the timber. A sea of water extended from Attock to the distant plains".

............................

History of the Tanoli tribe of Hazara

History of the Tanoli (Tanaoli) Tribe of Hazara

Majority of the Tanolis (or Tanaolis) insist on being of Pashtun origin but their rulers have accounted themselves to be of Barlas Mughal origin. Tanoli or Tanawali is actually an adjective denoting their abode Tanawal. They are divided into two divisions, Pul-Al and Hando-Al; the former occupies Lower Tunawal, and the latter Upper Tunawal. In 1907 they numbered 58,700 [1]. Although not usually acknowledged as Pashtuns, the Tanolis had by long association become assimilated with the Pashtuns in manners, customs and character. The tribal and cultural practices of the Tanolis closely resembled those of Pashtuns and all of them appeared to have spoken Pashto in the 18th century. Tanolis in Agror valley still speak Pashto language as their first language if not exclusively [2]. Captain E.G. Wase in 1868 reported that “majority of Tanolis have forgotten the Pashto tongue” but “those of the Tanoli villages on the bank of Indus, all speak Pashtu”. [3]

Tanawal in the 16th Century

H. G. Raverty, on the authority of Akhund Darweza, says that Tanawal or Tunawal was overrun by Khashi tribes of Pashtuns under the leadership of Ali Asghar in the latter part of Akbar’s reign, and its former inhabitants were expelled from some parts of Tunawal. [6]

Tanolis in the 18th Century

An Indian surveyor Syed Ghulam Muhammad visited Tanawal in 1780 and reported that Pashto language was spoken by its inhabitants and their chief Gul Sher Khan paid allegiance to Timur Shah Durrani. He writes:

“Tunawal is the name of a small territory lying on the east bank of the Aba-Sin... Latterly, according to some accounts, they have laid claim to be descended from the tribe of Birlas – Amir Timur’s own tribe.”

“Half a kuroh further you reach Derah-i-Gul Sher Khan... He pays allegiance to the Badshah of Kabul.”

“The Tunawal’s number about 20,000 families... Their chief places and seat of authority are Bir, Puhar, and Dera'h.” [4]

George Forester... mentions Gul Sher Khan (the chief of Tanolis) as “Mahometan of the Afghan tribe”. [5]

In 1752 AD, Zabardast Khan Tanoli joined Ahmad Shah Durrani in his conquest of India... [7]

Tribally allied with the Pashtuns they participated in the wars against the Sikhs and the British... [8]

References

1. Hazara Gazetteer 1907, p-29
2. “History of the Pathans”, By Haroon Rashid, Vol-6, p-34
3. Report of the Land Revenue Settlement of the Hazara District of the Punjab, 1868-74, p-74
4. “Notes on Afghanistan and Part of Baluchistan”, Henry George Raverty, p-275
5. A Journey from Bengal to England, vol-2, p-49
6. “Notes on Afghanistan and Part of Baluchistan”, Henry George Raverty, pp-275-276
7. “History of the Pathans”, By Haroon Rashid, Vol-6, p-36
8. Ibid, p-34
9. A Tanoli Afghan, 1861

Historical Images

A group of Tanoli tribesmen guarding a remote outpost on Amb State’s western boundary, October 1904. Photo by Aurel Stein.

Nawab of Amb and followers, Kaim Gulli, 1888 (c). Photo by Bourne & Shepherd.

Portrait of Nawab Zabardast Khan Tanoli from “Battle of Panipat in Light of Rediscovered Paintings.”

Nawab of Amb and Tanoli followers, Kaim Gulli, 1888 (c). Photo by Bourne & Shepherd.

A Tanaolee tribesman, Hazara, 1868. From Kaye & Watson collection.

Drawing of Nawab Khan, son of Sarbuland Khan Tanoli, 1870s.

Safdar Khan Babi

This large and imposing painting, of circa 1790-1810, depicts the Afghan nobleman of Mughal empire, Safdar Khan Babi. The painting is inscribed to the top in black nasta‘liq against scrolling white clouds, the letters intermingled with diagonal flights of birds. . The inscription may be partially read as follows:

J(?)…. khan ji al-mukhatab be-safdar khan bahadur babi ‘alamgir shahi

“J(?) (undeciphered)... Khan Ji, titled Safdar Khan Bahadur Babi [of] ‘Alamgir Shah”

Brief history of Babi Afghans in India 

Babis are Ghurghust Pashtuns, related to Kakars, Pannis, Mando Khels etc. Omar Khan Babi, one of the descendants of Babaey son of Ghurghust had joined Humayun's army in Hind. Bahadur Khan son of Osman Khan Babi, remained in the royal service of Emperor Akbar during the latter part of his rule and rose to prominence during the rule of Emperor Shah Jahan and received two villages in Gujarat state as jagir.  One of the sons of Bahadur Khan named Sher Khan was a favorite of Emperor Aurangzeb for his services in suppressing the uprisings in Gujarat and adjoining territory. In 1672, Kutbuddin, the Faujdar of Surat, invaded Jamnagar. Against stiff resistance Sher Khan captured the fort of Jamnagar. Kutbuddin appointed him the Faujdar of Gujarat and Baroda, in addition he was given the town of Piran Pattan in jagir. He died in Sidhpur and was buried in Ahmadabad. ("History of the Pathans" by Haroon Rashid, pp-190-191)

Safdar Khan Babi

In 1693 Jafar Khan, son of Sher Khan Babi, by his ability and local influence, obtained the faujddri of Radhanpur, Sami, Munjpur, `and Tervada, with the title of Safdar Khan. In 1704 he was made governor of Bijapur (in Gujarat), and in 1706 of Patan (Imperial Gazetteer of India, v. 21, p. 23.)

In 1701, Safdar Khan Babi and his sons Muhammad Salabat Khan and Muhammad Jahan Khan along with their retainers, foiled the rebellious designs of Durgadas Rathor of Marwar. They pursued the rebels and gave them a strong fight. A grandson of Durgadas and a large number of Rajputs were killed at the hands of the sons of Safdar Khan Babi, but the latter failed to capture Durgadas, who fled to Marwar. In 1703 A.D, Safdar Khan Babi again offered to capture Durgadas. Similarly in 1703, Safdar Babi led his forces against Dhana Jadhav, the invincible Maratha thief, and resisted his depredations inside Gujarat. The Afghan leader was caught unaware by the enemy on the banks of Narbada and though he fought with "steadfastness and firmness" yet they were defeated by the Marathas. While Muhammad Osman lost his life, Safdar Babi was made captive by the enemy in a wounded state. Muhammad Azam Babi, the nephew of Safdar Khan Babi, managed to return with few retainers (Afghan nobility and the Mughals by Rita Joshi, p.164)

Safdar Khan Babi died in 1725 A.D. His grandsons founded the independent states of Junagadh, Balasinor and Radhanpur.

When Pashtun tribesmen wiped out an entire Mughal army in the Khyber Pass (1672)

In 1672 AD, a small incident triggered a huge war in Pakhtunkhwa. In that year some Mughal troops stationed in Kunar insulted a Parachi woman who was there to sell and buy. Some Pashtun men belonging to Safi tribe witnessed that and killed those troops for insulting that woman. Hussain Beg Khan, the Mughal faujdar of Jalalabad, called upon the chiefs of the Safi tribe to deliver the men involved in the attack on his men. They refused to do so. Other Pashtun tribes subject to the Kabul government were summoned to join him in punishing the Safis. The local Pashtun tribes, mostly Mohmands, being duty-bound, attended him but sent a word to the Safis that they had acted like men and that they would not draw their swords for the Mughals against them but would remain passive spectators. This they did and Hussain Beg Khan was completely defeated. He then attempted to seize the chieftains of the Pashtuns along with him, but their clansmen crowded around him and prevented it. On this he sent an exaggerated and one-sided report to Muhammad Amin Khan, the subahdar of Kabul, who was then at Peshawar to spend winters. Fatuhat-i-Alamgriri (a contemporary account of the reign of Aurangzeb) records the incident in the following manner:

"It so happened that Mirza Ali Beg , the faujdar of Jalalabad, on behalf of the Khan , treated the Pathans of the district (zila) badly and that tribe, which exceeded the locusts and ants, and was united among themselves and hostile to the outsiders, collected from every nook and corner, held consultations with each other and decided that the road to Kabul should be blocked so that Umdat-ul-Mulk many not be able to get (there)."

Muhammad Amin Khan was exceedingly arrogant and overbearing; no one dared to give an opinion contrary to his wishes, and he was much disliked. The Hussain Beg Khan, likewise, was not held in much esteem by the Pashtuns. It is related that on one occasion, when about to march from Jamrud to Kabul, the Pashtun chiefs of the mountains came to pay their respects to the representative of their ruler. He was intoxicated at that time , and Hussain Beg Khan was with him. The latter, seeing the Pashtun in attendance, said to him, "The Nawab's dogs desire to make their obeisance". This speech afterwards came to the ears of the Pashtuns and roused their indignation still more against the Mughals.

At the time this report reached Muhammad Amin Khan, he had started for Kabul with his army and entourage, accompanied by their families and household property. The news of the insult of the woman affiliated to Safi tribe spread amongst the Khyberi tribes. The Shinwaris,  Mohmands and Afridis resolved to oppose march of Muhammad Amin Khan through the Khyber, and they took post in the Landi Khana Kotal. According to Mughal historian Khafi Khan, the rising was headed by Aimal Khan and other Afghan heads. Muhammad Amin Khan was also accompanied by Mustajab Khan Mohmand, the Arbab of Peshawar, Khushal Khan Khattak and some chiefs of the Afridis and Orakzais.

 Sir Jadunath Sarkar writes:

"The Afridis rose under their chieftain Aemal Khan, a born general, who crowned himself king, struck coins in his own name, and proclaiming war against the Mughals, summoned all the Pathan clans to join the national movement. With a following more numerous than ants and locusts, he closed the Khyber Pass."

Arbab Mustajab Khan Mohmand was sent to negotiate with the insurgents. The negotiations failed. The Pashtuns had blocked Landi Khana Kotal with sangars and breastwork. Muhammad Amin Khan tried to force his way through the pass and sent a body of veterans under his son Abdullah, and other high officers, Mubariz Khan and Mahmud Khan Kheshgi (an Afghan of Hindustan) to attack the Pashtuns. When the Mughals approached the breastworks, the Pashtuns launched great stones or boulders down upon the Mughals. The elephants were forced back, Mahmud Khan Kheshgi was killed, and his troops were repulsed with great loss. Mubariz Khan also failed miserably and was also forced back. The Pashtuns pounced upon the retreating Mughals with their swords and daggers with disastrous effect. 

The fighting, after a short time, was again renewed and the battle raged for one whole day but Mughals could not gain anything against the Pashtuns. The Afridi and Orakzai allies of the Mughal subahdar kept aloof. But Khushal Khan Khattak along with his men fought hard for the Mughals. Horses, elephants and men were mixed up in the confusion and disorder seized the Mughal army. The Mughal army was routed. The shattered Mughal army proceeded in the direction of Tararrah where they were again attacked by the Pashtuns. This completed the destruction of Mughal army. For three days i.e 18th, 19th and 20th April, the massacre and loot continued.

Amin Khan was completely defeated. He lost everything - troops, treasure, elephants, family including his wife, mother, sister, son, daughters, and brothers-in-law, as well as the wives and families of the other Mughal nobles. Khushal Khan Khattak chimes:

اول جنگ د لوړو شا د تهترو و

چې څلوېښت زره مغل شـول تار په تار

خويندې وروڼه يې بندې د پښتنو شوې

اس، اوښان، هاتيان، ولجـه قطار قطار

"The first fight was at the higher back of Mount Tatarah, when forty thousand Mughals were scattered like chaff. Where their sisters and daughters fell into the hands of the Pashtuns, with horses and camels, elephants and baggage, string after string."

According to Fatukhat-i-Alamgiri:

"In short 10,000 soldiers fell in this expedition and about two crores of rupees in cash and kind was looted by the Afghans. They captured 20,000 men and women, whom they sold in Turan and Central Asia. "

Utterly humbled and exhausted, Muhammad Amin Khan and some of his high officers succeeded in escaping to Peshawar with bare lives and everything else was lost. A Pashtun 'Jemadar' brought Amin Khan via a secret route. Mannuci writes:

"Muhammad Amin Khan ordered his secretary, Muhammad Riza, to take the seat on his elephant, and thus he was destroyed, the Pathans supposing that it was Muhammad Amin Khan himself. They contented themselves with cutting off this man's head and carrying it into the mountains. Muhammad Amin Khan, with the aid of some Pathans in his service, clothed himself in their manner, and these men conducted him until he had got out of the hills and arrived at Peshawar." 

Khushal Khan Khattak in his diary says:

"When on the first of Muharram 1083 H, Muhammad Amin Khan's army was routed in Khyber, both Mustajab and I were with him. We escaped via Tahtarah and came to Peshawar. Muhammad Amin Khan, attended by a few horsemen, had already reached Peshawar. The whole of his family as well as the train was lost. His mother, sister, daughter and attendants were made captive. His wife was killed. His son and brother-in-law were also killed. I was very ill and had still to cover the distance sometime walking and sometime riding through the Tahtarah mountains and was thus completely exhausted. I therefore sent Ashraf Khan to wait upon Muhammad Amin Khan. He was in woeful condition , bewildered and perplexed. Conferring with Ashraf Khan he inquired about me and said to him, ' Also convey my Salam to your father saying i am glad about his safe return and pray to God for is recovery from illness. Also tell him to come to me if he can".

After paying a large amount of money to the Pashtuns, Amin Khan got released his youngest daughter who was just a child , his mother and some other females.

Returning to Peshawar, Muhammad Amin Khan took base revenge for the consequences of his own folly. In anger he killed Arbab Mustajab Khan Mohmand, one of the chief men of Peshawar. According to Fatuhat-i-Alamgiri, Mustajab, in his death agony, cried out for a little water to drink. Muhammad Amin Khan answered, "Many Muslims have died of thirst. It is not wrong that you should die of the same cause, as reparation for it"

This signal victory increased the prestige and resources of Aimal Khan Mohmand. The tale of his rich booty spread through out the hills and lured recruits to his banners.

Muhammad Amin Khan , son of Mir Jumla

Portrait of Muhammad Amin Khan, 1685 (c). Source

References: 

1- "Notes on Afghanistan", H.G.Raverty, p-42
2- "On foreign approach to Khushal", Dost Muhammad Kamil, p-
2- "History of the Pathans" by Haroon Rashid, Vol-IV, pp-171-177
3- "History of Aurangzib", Jadunath sarkar, Vol-III, p-150
4-  Storia da Mogor, Vol-II, p-200
5-  Fatuhat-i-Alamgiri, pp.103-106

 the Mughal governor of Kabul whose entire army got defeated and destroyed by Aimal Khan Mohmand in the Khyber Pass in 1672. By anonymous artist, made in circa 1685. He was son of immensely wealthy Iranian/Persian nobleman Mir Jumla.