1. Khizr Khan Panni
An Afghan, of the tribe called Poory-Zai. He had already attained to some rank in the Moghul army, when the latter was joined from Shânoor by Bhûlool Khân, between whose family, and that of Khizr Khân, a great friendship had always subsisted. The young men having, in consequence, been educated together, had contracted a strict intimacy, which was now renewed, and closely cultivated by both. Bhûlool Khân happening, at this conjuncture, to stand high in the favour of Aurungzebe, as well as in that of his chief counsellor, Khân Jehân Khân, employed his credit with them so effectually in behalf of his friend, that Khizr Khân, besides an augmentation of his immediate Munsub, soon obtained the government of Kurnool in Jâgeer, upon the condition of his maintaining, for the imperial service, a body of three thousand horse, and seven thousand foot. The limits of the Sircar of Kurnool(as it is on this occasion called) have probably fluctuated greatly, in the course of the various revolutions which that district has experienced. They must, at least, if the information before me be accurate, have been considerably more extensive, at the period just now referred to, than they are at this time, since the revenue, of which Khizr Khân became master, is rated at a sum exceeding thirty-four lacks of rupees.
The fortress of Kurnool had not yet submitted to the Moghul arms, but was still occupied on behalf of the reigning sovereign of Beejapoor: Khizr Khân, therefore, had to reduce it, before he could enter upon his new government. For this purpose, accompanied by Bhûlool Khân, he immediately proceeded against that place, the commander of which was soon convinced, by the joint force of bribes and threats, of the necessity of surrendering it. After this, he would not appear to have experienced any serious difficulty in establishing his authority throughout the rest of the district. When this object was completely effected, and not before, Bhûlool Khân, taking leave of his friend, returned to his own Jâgeer.
We hear nothing further of Khizr Khân, till several years after this time, when he is said to have distinguished himself greatly at the siege of Aurungabad, conducted by Allumgeer in person. It was at this juncture that, while proceeding one day to pay his respects to the Emperor, he happened to encounter, at a gateway leading to the Imperial residence, Shaikh Minhâj De Rany, an Omra formerly of the first rank at the court of Beejapoor (which, with several other nobles of that declining kingdom, he had some time before quitted in disgust), and no less celebrated for his bold and unguarded language on all occasions, than for his intrepidity in the field. Whether any rivalry or ill-will had previously subsisted between these two great men does not appear; but meeting now in the situation which has been mentioned, they engaged in a violent dispute regarding precedence, which soon terminated in the death of Khizr Khân, who fell by a wound, inflicted during the contest, by his adversary’s own hand. The latter, nevertheless, utterly fearless of the consequences of his sanguinary rashness, instantly repaired to the Imperial Presence; where, with a levity but ill suited, either to the place or to the occasion, he scoffingly related, “that having met, in “his passage through the portal of the palace, with a kicking ass, he had “presently removed the nuisance.” The Emperor, astonished at this address, was still considering what it could mean, when the Urz-baigy appearing, explained the allusion of the Shaikh, by a circumstantial report of what had happened. The murderer, in the meanwhile, remained perfectly unmolested: for such was the weight and credit which he enjoyed, at this time, at the imperial court, that Allumgeer judged it expedient to wink at his conduct on the present occasion. It was not thus, however, with
2. Daood Khan Panni
the son of Khizr Khân, who no sooner learned the fate of the latter, than, quitting the government of the Payen Ghaut Carnatic, which had been some time before confided to him by Allumgeer, he hastened to Kurnool; from whence, after collecting together a considerable body of troops, and leaving his brother, Ali Khân, in charge of his Jâgeer, he proceeded by rapid marches towards Aurungabad, with the avowed purpose of avenging his father’s death. The desperate step thus taken by the Patan excited no small uneasiness in the mind of the Emperor, who was justly apprehensive, lest it should produce a division, and perhaps a tumult, in the imperial army, in which both Shaikh Minhâj and his adversary had numerous friends and partisans. If he sent a force to oppose the progress of the latter, or to chastise his temerity, it would be to proclaim the contempt entertained for his authority; and if, on the other hand, he suffered the Patans, in the present disposition of their leader, to join the imperial camp, he anticipated the confusion and bloodshed which were too likely to ensue, from the impetuous spirit, and deep-rooted hatred of the contending chiefs, acting on the fierce and turbulent character of their respective adherents. From this dilemma he was, however, for the present, relieved, by Zoolfkâr Khân, the Khânsâmân (or house steward) of the Vizier, Asud Khân, who had been the intimate friend and sworn brother of Khizr Khân; by whose sons he had been, in consequence, always considered in the light of an uncle. Zoolfkâr Khân, availing himself of this title to the deference of the Patan (and which, by Mahommedans in general, is deemed to be little or nothing inferior to the claims derived from absolute consanguinity), proposed to write to his adoptive nephew, exhorting him to submit himself entirely to the justice of the Emperor, and dismissing the chief part of his followers, to repair, in perfect confidence, to his (Zoolfkâr’s) quarters; whence he promised to conduct him to an audience of his Majesty, and to procure for him all the satisfaction he could desire. Dâood Khân, yielding to the advice and entreaties of his friend, was immediately presented to the monarch; who, besides a most gracious reception, gave him some wholesome counsel for the regulation of his conduct, which he concluded, by assuring him that, in regard to his father’s death, the law should take its course. The following day was accordingly appointed for the public hearing of the cause. In the meanwhile, however, desirous, either for personal or political reasons, of skreening the culprit, if possible, from punishment, Allumgeer sent privately for Shaikh Minhâj; and telling him that as, agreeably to the law, he could not be convicted of the offence imputed to him, except upon his own admission, he (the Emperor) trusted that he would feel no hesitation, when confronted with his accuser, in asserting his innocence. To this the Shaikh is said to have apparently assented: but however that might be, he was, no doubt, very far from entertaining such an intention; since the next morning, when publicly interrogated on the occasion, instead of denying the crime laid to his charge, he loudly exclaimed, “that it was most true that he had slain the whoreson in “question, with the identical poignard which he then held in his hand, and that he “was, in like manner, prepared to kill any other whoreson, who should seek to “avenge his death.” So saying, he quitted the Durbâr, leaving the whole assembly in utter amazement at his temerity. Nor was it at any future period in the power of Dâood Khân to wreak his meditated vengeance upon the murderer of his father; who, after this time, was always surrounded by a body of three hundred well-armed and desperate Decanies, whose particular duty it was to watch the motions of the Patans, and whose vigilance and courage constantly frustrated every attempt of the latter upon his life.
It is not stated by our annalist, what means were taken by the Emperor, in this perplexing predicament, to reconcile Dâood Khân to the disappointment of those hopes of public satisfaction for the murder of his father, which he had been confidently taught to entertain. It appears, however, that the Patan continued with the imperial army till the death of Allumgeer; some time after which event he was slain in a sanguinary tumult, excited, as Meer Hûsain says, by the jealousy and hostility of a faction at court, who spared no means to effect his disgrace and removal from thence. By other accounts, however, it would appear that he fell in an attempt which he had made to cut off the Viceroy of the Decan. What is certain is, that many Omras of distinction, besides Dâood Khân, lost their lives upon this occasion. He dying without issue, was succeeded by his only brother,
3. Ali Khan Panni
who ruled between five and six years, during which period nothing is recorded of him. Upon his death, the government devolved upon his son,
4. Ibraheem Khan
who is stated to have filled the office of Soubahdâr of Adoni, during the life-time of his uncle, Dâood Khan; but whether on the part of the latter, or under an immediate nomination from the Viceroy of the Decan, is not mentioned. I incline to think, however, that he must have held it as a separate government, since there is no authority, that I know of, for believing that Adoni constituted at any period, a dependency of Kurnool. However this may be, Ibraheem Khân, soon after ascending the Musnud, set about rebuilding with masonry the citadel of Kurnool, the wall of which, before this time, appears to have consisted only of mud. He also made considerable additions and improvements to the town; and applying sedulously to the augmentation of his military force, and particularly to that part of it composed of Afghans of his own tribe, soon found himself at the head of a respectable army, with which he was enabled to subject to his authority, and to exact tribute from, many of the surrounding Polygars, who had, for some time past, paid a very reluctant obedience to their Mahommedan rulers.
After this, leaving his son, Alif Khân, in charge of his Jâgeer, he proceeded himself, by the advice of his principal counsellors, to Aurungabad, for the purpose of paying his court to Khân Jehân Khân, who was at that time Viceroy of the Decan. This he did so successfully, that in return for a Nuzr of five lacks of rupees, which he presented to the Viceroy, he obtained, instead of the usual patent of confirmation for his Jâgeer, a new grant, in which the former stipulations, whatever they might have been, were wholly omitted. Having accomplished this object, he returned to Kurnool, where he occupied himself in the affairs of his Jâgeer, till the appointment of the Nâbob, Asof Jah, to the government of the Decan, upon which occasion the Patan hastened to do homage to the new Viceroy; which he did while the latter was still encamped, after his recent victory over Aalum Ali Khân (the nephew of the Umeer ûl Omra, Syed Hûsain Ali Khân) in the vicinity of Burhanpoor. Here he met with a distinguished reception from Asof Jah, who, according to my author, renewed the patent for his Jâgeer in the terms of that which had been granted him by Khân Jehân Khân. Being seized, about this time, with a severe indisposition, he left his son, Alif Khân, in attendance upon the Nâzim, and repaired to Kurnool, where he died, at the end of three or four years, after having ruled over the principality of Kurnool somewhat more than fourteen years. He was succeeded by his son,
5. Alif Khan Panni,
who contriving to ingratiate himself with Nâsir Jung, the second son of Asof Jah, is said to have had a principal share in seducing him from his duty and allegiance to his father, at the time that the latter, being obliged to repair to Dehli, left him in the temporary charge of the government of the Decan. What followed, on this occasion, does not belong to the present narrative. It may suffice to say, that Nâsir Jung was, in the end, reconciled to his father, who contented himself with manifesting his displeasure against those who had been most instrumental in exciting him to rebellion, by prohibiting their appearance in his presence. It is probable, however, that some of these, and particularly Alif Khân, were indebted for this impunity, less to the lenity of the Nizâm, than to considerations of policy, which might have suggested the inexpediency, if not the impracticability, of punishing such powerful offenders in a more signal manner.
who contriving to ingratiate himself with Nâsir Jung, the second son of Asof Jah, is said to have had a principal share in seducing him from his duty and allegiance to his father, at the time that the latter, being obliged to repair to Dehli, left him in the temporary charge of the government of the Decan. What followed, on this occasion, does not belong to the present narrative. It may suffice to say, that Nâsir Jung was, in the end, reconciled to his father, who contented himself with manifesting his displeasure against those who had been most instrumental in exciting him to rebellion, by prohibiting their appearance in his presence. It is probable, however, that some of these, and particularly Alif Khân, were indebted for this impunity, less to the lenity of the Nizâm, than to considerations of policy, which might have suggested the inexpediency, if not the impracticability, of punishing such powerful offenders in a more signal manner.
6. Behadur Khan,
known also by the title of Himmut Behâdûr, of whom Meer Hûsain reports, that he was distinguished for his extraordinary intrepidity, and for the prudence with which he carried on the internal affairs of his government, in the management of which he steadily followed the example, and conformed to the practice, of the wisest of his predecessors. But whatever his character, in these respects, might be, his conduct (as well as that of the other Patan chieftains of the Decan) towards Nâsir Jung, subsequently to the accession of the latter to the Musnud of Hyderabad, and soon after with regard to Mûzuffer Jung (a Nâzim of their own creation), exhibits nothing but a tissue of the blackest perfidy and ingratitude.
The particulars of the transactions, here alluded to, are already too well known to require to be recited in this place. It will be sufficient to state, that, according to Meer Hûsain, it was by the immediate hand of Behâdûr Khân that the unfortunate Nâzim perished; and that the detestable traitor did not long survive the victim of his treason, being himself slain, about two months after, in a sanguinary tumult which took place at Raechooty, between the ever-turbulent Afghans and their late accomplices in the atrocious assassination of Nâsir Jung.
Behâdûr Khân ruled over Kurnool between seven and eight years, and was succeeded, at his death, by his brother,
7. Munuwer Khan Panni
who happening to reside, at this period, at Nundiâl, the Polygar of Gudduck, encouraged thereto, and assisted by the French, took advantage of his absence from Kurnool, and the confusion which prevailed there, in consequence of the sudden and disastrous death of Behâdûr Khân, to surprize and seize upon that place. Mûnuwer Khân hereupon hastened to Kurpah, where he solicited the aid of its chief, Abdûl Nuby Khân, towards the recovery of his inheritance. Abdûl Nuby, who could not feel himself very secure on his own Musnud, so recently after the tragic events of Gingee and Raechooty, is nevertheless said to have afforded him some assistance in money. By this means Mûnuwer Khân was enabled to collect together about seven hundred foot soldiers and three hundred horse, with which small force he did not hesitate to advance against Kurnool. The attempt to recover his capital with such a handful of men appeared little short of desperate, and would, probably, have proved so, if the garrison left in it by the Polygar of Gudduck had prudently remained within the walls. Instead of this, however, they unwisely came out, and giving battle to the Patan, were defeated with great slaughter. Hereupon the Polygar’s commander, being panic struck, immediately surrendered the place. According to Meer Hûsain, however, this extraordinary success of Mûnuwer Khân was not so much owing, either to the indiscretion of the enemy, or to the valor of his own followers, as to the powerful aid which he derived from the presence and prayers of a celebrated Peer, established in the neighbourhood of Kurnool, and called Shâh Mustân, whom he had had the good fortune to encounter on his march, and to propitiate in his favor. It was the appearance of this holy personage, at the head of the Patan’s little band, which, by striking unusual terror into the enemy, principally contributed to the victory obtained over the latter.
Mûnuwer Khân remained, from this time, in quiet possession of his country, until the period when Shahnuwâz Khân being raised to the office of chief minister to Sulâbut Jung (the brother and successor of Nâsir Jung) dispatched an army from Hyderabad, for the declared purpose of reducing Kurnool, and of punishing, in the person of the ruling chief, the treason and ingratitude of his predecessor. The Patan, however, not only had the address to avert the impending danger, but, by means of the proper application of bribes, and of suitable submissions, to obtain a confirmation of his Jâgeer, on condition of paying a certain annual tribute to the government of Hyderabad. The amount of this tribute is not stated: but it was, probably, the same which was, sometime after, exacted of him by a new adversary, still more formidable than the one whom he had lately appeased.
The enemy who now disturbed the repose which Mûnuwer Khân vainly flattered himself he had secured, by his recent pacification with the Soubah, was the celebrated Hyder Ali Khân; who, some time after he had made the Patan Chief of Shânoor submit to his authority, advanced against Kurnool, with the professed determination of reducing the latter place also to subjection. Mûnuwer Khân prepared, as well as he could, to repel the invader, whom, however, he could not prevent from investing his capital. In these perilous circumstances, as on all other critical occasions that had arisen, since his memorable overthrow of the troops of the Polygar of Gudduck, and his subsequent establishment in his principality, he sought the council and assistance of Shâh Mustân and one of whose most steady and zealous disciples he had now become, if he had not been always so. The holy man, presuming, perhaps, on the remarkable effects attributed, by his superstitious admirers, to his former interposition in behalf of the Patan, boldly desired him to be of good cheer, and to rely on the speedy discomfiture of his enemy. However this might be, he mounted the following morning, bare-headed and bare-footed, on an elephant provided for the occasion, and taking with him a select body of Afghans, proceeded, with great rapidity, in the direction of Hyder’s camp. Hereupon, some of the principal persons in the confidence of that chieftain, observing the movement of the Peer, and probably apprized of his purpose, were induced, either by superstitious considerations, or by motives still less excusable, to represent to their master the obloquy and danger to which he would expose himself, by persisting in the attack of a place, which was evidently under the protection of so venerable and powerful a saint as Shâh Mustân. They concluded with earnestly exhorting him, as he valued his own interest and safety, or the prosperity of his house, to desist from a purpose so pregnant with evil. Hyder, who was but little subject to the influence of superstition, offended, either at the freedom or the folly of this advice, sharply demanded of those from whom it proceeded, “whether his state was not under the protection of a saint, as well “as that of Kurnool?” To this reasonable interrogatory, the others, being, of course, obliged to reply in the affirmative, Hyder sneeringly observed, “that “such being the case, he would leave the two saints to settle their own quarrel as “they pleased, while, at any rate, he was determined to bend the neck of “Mûnuwer Khân to the yoke of obedience.” During this conversation, the Shâh continued to advance towards the Mysorean camp: but whether it was owing to his observing any movements in the latter, which indicated a resistance he had not reckoned upon, or to any intelligence conveyed to him from thence, or, finally, to a sudden conviction of the extravagance and hopelessness of his enterprize, he thought proper, while still at some distance from the enemy’s lines, to turn short round, and hasten back to Kurnool; where, on his arrival, he instantly advised Mûnuwer Khân “to give some money to his visitor, and to “send him away:” adding, “that as things were then circumstanced, he could “answer for the preservation of nothing beyond the walls of the fort.” Whether the prowess of the Shâh would have been adequate for the defence of these, was not put to the proof; for the Patan wisely dispatched a Vakeel to Hyder, with such proposals of accommodation as the latter judged it expedient to accept, although, according to Meer Hûsain, they amounted only to the payment of an annual tribute of a lack of rupees, and the immediate delivery of a large supply of provisions: to which, however, were added abundant assurances of future attachment and submission. Perhaps the chief motive of Hyder, in granting such easy terms to Mûnuwer Khân, arose from his impatience to proceed against Kurpah, which he appears to have done directly after his departure from Kurnool.
Mûnuwer Khân continued subject to the pecuniary contribution imposed upon him at this juncture till the partition treaty of Seringapatam, in 1792, which at once transferred this tribute to the Nizâm, and released the principality of Kurnool from all future dependence on the ruler of Mysore. During the war which preceded the treaty, Mûnuwer Khân had been required to repair to the standard of the Nizâm, with the military quota, which, as a feudatory of the Soubah of the Decan, he was bound to furish: and though he was himself, at this period, too old and infirm to undergo the fatigues of the field, he nevertheless sent his contingent, headed by his son, Alif Khân, along with Secunder Jah, when the latter joined the British forces under Lord Cornwallis.
On this occasion was exemplified the curious, but anomalous nature, of the tenure, by which many of the petty states and chieftains of the Decan hold their territories, being, at the same time, the feudatories of one, and the tributaries of another, superior lord. Thus, Mûnuwer Khân was at once subject to Tippoo Sultan and to Nizâm Ali Khân: yet the former’s claims upon the Patan were not considered as any way impairing those of the latter, who was still supposed to possess the right of summoning him to his standard, and of demanding his services, no matter against what power, whenever he thought proper. It is true, that this right being derived from a source which, in point of fact, no longer existed, rested chiefly on what might be called a mere political fiction: but, nevertheless, similar pretensions continue, in various cases, to be respected by prejudice and habit, and, in others, to be enforced by power.
Mûnuwer Khân died, according to my author, soon after the conclusion of the peace ofSeringapatam, that is to say, some time in the year 1792, having ruled over Kurnool during a period of forty-one lunar years. He was succeeded by his son,
8. Alif Khan
who, by the treaty concluded in 1800, between the British Government in India and the Nabob, Nizâm Ali Khân, was placed, in a certain degree, under the protection of the East-India Company, to whom the tribute, which he stood engaged to pay to the government of Hyderabad, was then transferred by the latter.
Meer Hûsain concludes his brief account of the Patan dynasties of the Decan by observing, that the reputation of their chiefs, for courage and manly enterprize, would appear to have begun to decline from the period of Dâood Khân’s death, and to have finally expired with Behâdûr Khân.
Source: Select letters of Tippoo Sultan to various public functionaries: including ...By Tīpū Sulṭān (Mysore, Nawab.)
Monday 30 June 2014
The Battle of Saragarhi (1897): a critical examination of its historical accuracy and authenticity
In 1897 there was a great uprising of Pashtuns against the British occupiers in which an outpost called Saragarhi (in Orakzai district), manned by 21 Sikh soldiers of the British-Indian army, was attacked by a lashkar of local Pashtun freedom fighters. The latter bravely climbed the ascent despite of being fired upon from the top of the hill. They reached the hill-top, killed the 21 Sikh soldiers and destroyed the outpost. This small event is regarded by the Sikhs as most momentous chapter of their history, and they commemorate this event as Saragarhi day (12th September) which is a holiday in the Indian state of Punjab. To give you an idea of the ascent, check the following photo taken in 1897:
In the absence of any written accounts from Pashtun side, all we have is an exaggerated and one-sided British account. Sardarjis have added their own masala to the story produced by their former masters, making it more fantastic. We are told that 21 Sikh soldiers, who were fighting for the glory of British raj, faced around 10,000 Afghans (some articles also give numbers of 14,000 and 20,000) and were able to kill more than 600 of them before succumbing to 'martyrdom' (for the noble cause of British colonialism), thus achieving greater feat than 300 Spartans of the Hollywood movie. Astonishingly 10,000 to 14,000 Afridis and Orakzais were available from sparsely populated Khyber and Orakzai agencies just for the siege of one picquet of Saraghari. The question arises how reliable and trustworthy were the British assessment of numbers of their foes? For example, in one report they assessed the fighting strength of the Afridis to be 227,000 while the total population of Khyber agency after a century was 284,256 in 1981 census. So, claim of Afridis and Orakzais being numerous as ants and locusts for siege of Saragarhi post, should be taken with a pinch of salt. Unlike British, Afridis and Orakzais did not keep written records of their exploits and they did not have any Newspapers. Sikh-Indian articles are saying that more 600 dead bodies of Pashtuns were found on the scene. But a British report in "Navy and Army Illustrated" magazine of 1902 says, "The Afridi dead been, as usual, carried away by their comrades. There was no one left to harass them in doing so" [1]. So, no dead bodies of Pashtun tribesmen were found on the scene as their comrades had carried it along with them, and casualties' numbers were unknown. Another British source [2] claims: "From friendly Rabia Khels, they afterwards learnt that the losses of the enemy, all told during these several operations, were over 400, including some 180 killed in the taking of Saragarhi". These casualty figures of Pashtun insurgents reported by a British officer, who is citing a pro-British clan as his source, should also be taken with a pinch of salt.
Wikipedia says that military historians have declared it to be history's greatest last stand but every site which is making such statement about Battle of Saragarhi, is Indian. I am interested to know the names of those military historians and their credentials. I have also come across the claim that "the Battle at Saragarhi is one of eight stories of collective bravery published by UNESCO". I did not find any such statement on any website or book of UNESCO. The only sites and books which are reporting it are Sikh-Indian like "Sikh Studies", "The Sikh Review" etc. If anyone has proper reference from UNESCO, then share it in comments section. The other battle that Sikhs-Indians are including in the "Eight stories of collective bravery" is Battle of Thermopylae (the battle which is shown in the 300 Spartans movie of Hollywood). Despite of my exhaustive search, I could not find the names of other six battles included in the said list by UNESCO. Sikhs themselves are puzzled and are asking the names of other six battles in the list. It seems like made-up information. Sikhs also claim that the marvelous story of battle of Saragarhi is taught to school children in France. Only Sikh-Indian sites are reporting it, again seems to be made-up information.
Its rather very strange that Sikhs celebrate 12 September as Saragarhi day and are very overwhelmed and emotional about their "achievement". They get offended if you are not impressed by it. They should know that Sikhs were described as underwhelming by the same British when they were enemies during Anglo-Sikh wars, and the British hyped those Pashtuns who were fighting for British against Sikhs in that war. For example, British tell us that Risaldar Fateh Khan Khattak and his 70 men (serving British) defeated the entire brigade of Sikh cavalry (approximately 1500 to 4000 soldiers, comprise a brigade) in open field [3]. That's far more impressive feat than what those 21 Sikhs accomplished at Saragarhi.
A colonial British remark: "Pathan soldiers are notoriously disloyal and are not thoroughly trusted by British commanders" [4]. This may be insult of Pashtuns in the eyes of Sikhs and other Indian people but it's actually a greatest compliment for Pashtuns. It reflects the patriotism of Pashtuns. Churchill writes:
"An officer of the Guides Infantry, of long experience and considerable distinction, who commands both Sikhs and Afridis, and has led both many times in action, writes as follows: "Personally, I don't blame any Afridis who desert to go and defend their own country, now that we have invaded it, and I think it is only natural and proper that they should want to do so". [5]
Also read this brilliant research piece by Dr.Nafees Ur Rehman : The battle of Saragarhi – The cover-up of a failure marketed as a brave sacrifice
.jpg)
References
1- "Navy and Army Illustrated" magazine of 1902 , p-236
2- Pathan revolt in North West India, p-139
3-The Story of the Guides by G. J. Younghusband, p-24
4- McBride's Magazine, Volume 58, p-503
5- The Story of the Malakand Field Force: Century People
1- "Navy and Army Illustrated" magazine of 1902 , p-236
2- Pathan revolt in North West India, p-139
3-The Story of the Guides by G. J. Younghusband, p-24
4- McBride's Magazine, Volume 58, p-503
5- The Story of the Malakand Field Force: Century People
Ghilzai Pashtun, 1861
 |
| Ghilzai , Kandahar, 1861. Source "The people of India" Volume 5, by Watson and Kaye, published in 1872. |
Sunday 29 June 2014
The Afghan principality of Kasur (1526–1807)
Qasur is plural of Qasr (قصر) which means fortress or castle in Arabic. The place was named so because of the twelve forts built by Pashtuns settlers in 16th century, majority whom belonged to the Khweshgi (also spelled as Kheshgi) tribe of Pashtuns. The twelve forts were named after the heads of the twelve clans of Kheshgis.
The Khweshgi Pashtun joined the army of Mughal king Babur in Kabul and fought against the army of Sultan Ibrahim Lodi in 1526. As a reward for their services, Babur granted them the present territory of Kasur as jagir.. They were regarded with favour by Mughal emperors and many of them attained high ranks in the Mughal nobility.
Khweshgis founded a considerable principality, with territory on both sides of the river Sutlej. When the Sikhs rose to power, they experienced great opposition from the Indo-Afghans of Kasur; and, though the chiefs of the Bhangi confederacy stormed the town in 1763, and again in 1770, and succeeded for a while in holding the entire principality, the Indo-Afghans leaders re-established their independence in 1794, and resisted many subsequent attacks. In 1807, however, Kutb-ud-din Khan, the last chieftain, was forced to give way before Ranjit Singh, and retired to his property at Mamdot, beyond the Sutlej. The town of Kasur was then incorporated in the kingdom of Lahore. The Indo-Afghan element declined after the fall of Kasur to Sikhs.
The city of Kasur built and ruled by Pashtuns, was massive. William Barr saw the extensive ruins of Kasur (destroyed by Ranjit Singh) in 1839 and writes: "Kusoor, a large and ancient town, that in former days must have covered an extensive area , as its ruins are interminable".
Arzani Kheshgi
Mullah Arzani Kheshgi was a Pashtun Sufi poet of Roshniya movement and originally belonged to Kasur. He belonged to the Zerzai sub-tribe of Kheshgis. He was a profound scholar and a prominent figure in Pashto literature. He was a close associate and follower of Bayazid Ansari (Pir Roshan). Mullah Arzani returned to India to propagate Bayazid Ansari's mission there. After a long residence in Patna , he died there in 1623 and is buried there. His tomb is in the Sultanganj area of Patna city.
Mullah Arzani Kheshgi was a Pashtun Sufi poet of Roshniya movement and originally belonged to Kasur. He belonged to the Zerzai sub-tribe of Kheshgis. He was a profound scholar and a prominent figure in Pashto literature. He was a close associate and follower of Bayazid Ansari (Pir Roshan). Mullah Arzani returned to India to propagate Bayazid Ansari's mission there. After a long residence in Patna , he died there in 1623 and is buried there. His tomb is in the Sultanganj area of Patna city.
Nazar Bahadur Kheshgi
Nazar Bahadur Kheshgi was a noble of Mughal empire in the reigns of Jahangir and Shah Jahan. He reached the mansab of 4,000/4,000.
For detailed history of the Afghans of Kasur, see "Tarikh-i-Punjab aur Afaghana-i-Kasur ka kirdar" by Muhammad Ayub Khan (published in 1988). "Hayat-I-Afghani" by Muhammad Hayat Khan (published in 1865) contains a note on the Afghans of Kasur.
 |
| Ghulam Husain Khan, an Afghan , 1815, inhabitant of the Fort of Ali Jan Khan in Kasur (Punjab). From Fraser Album. |
 |
| Portrait of Nazar Khan Khweshgi. Source |
 |
| Shrine of Arzani Kheshgi in Patna, 1814's Water-colour painting by Seeta Ram |
Thursday 26 June 2014
Kashmir during Pashtun rule (1752-1819)
Ahmad Shah Abdali received an invitation from the leaders of Kashmir to rid the kingdom of cruel governors of the decadent Mughal emperors, and bring it directly under his rule. He sent a strong force of Afghans under his lieutenant Ishk Aqasi on this mission, who after overcoming stiff resistance put up by the Mughal forces in Kashmir, annexed the territory to the expanding kingdom of Abdali.' Even during the most difficult times of Afghan rule, poverty and starvation did not exist in Kashmir. People were healthy and ate well. In the early years, there was much hygiene and
sanitation.
History of the Muslims of Indo-Pakistan Sub-continent, 1707-1806 - Abdur Rashid
Afghan architecture in Kashmir
While the Mughals built gardens across Kashmir, the Afghans built fortresses and erected some buildings as well. The most famous fortress and complex, Sher Garhi Palace, built in 1772 by the Afghan governor, Jawan Sher Khan, was later used by all their successors, including the present Indian occupied Kashmir government. Amir Khan Jawan Sher built the Amiran Kadal, the bridge which stands at the entrance of Srinagar, and constructed the palace of the Shergarhi. A canal linking the dal lake with anchar lake was also built in his time.
(The Valley of Kashmir by Walter Lawrence
1895). The Valley of Kashmir - Sir Walter Roper Lawrence
Sher Garhi Palace, 1907
Trade and Commerce during Afghan period
In Kashmere are seen merchants and commercial agents of most of the principal
cities of northern India, also of Tartary, Persia and Turkey, who at the same time
advance their fortunes and enjoy the pleasures of a fine climate
(A Journey from Bengal to England by George Forster 1786)
A Journey from Bengal to England: Through the Northern Part of India ... - George Forster
Writing Paper of Kashmir during Afghan rule, 1783.
George foster, writing in 1782, says that the kahmiris fabricated the best writing paper of the east”. The kashmiri paper possessed the quality that once the ink had been washed off , it could again be used for writing.
Kashmir Under the Sultans - Mohibbul Hasan
Flourishing of shawl industry during Afghan rule
It was during Mughal rule, the Shawl industry first assumed an enormous international standing and increased output. It was during Afghan Muslim rule the Shawl industry in addition to other commodities and trades received newer customers still in the form of Iran, Turkistan and Russia as well as Afghanistan. Kashmiris as well as merchants from abroad could meet and trade with one another without being worried most of their profit would go to the state. In later Sikh and Hindu rule, in respect to the Shawl industry alone, foreign merchants largely traded not with Kashmiri shawl weavers but the State. By the 1900s, the Shawl industry in Kashmir was dead
During the close of 18th century, when Kashmir was under the afghans, the shawl industry thrived, with the market even extending even as far as turkey. In 1796 kashmiri shawl reached the hands of napoleon. His wife Josephine was immensely pleased and she set a new trend in fashion among women not only in paris but also in Europe and England. By 1800 AD the shawl trade between Kashmir and west was well established.
Arts and Crafts, Jammu and Kashmir: Land, People, Culture - D. N. Saraf
With the establishment of Afghan reign in Kashmir valley in 1753, the
shawl industry received a boast. It was during this period the Kashmiri shawls
were in demand in iran, Afghanistan and Russia. During sikh rule , the condition of silk weavers was not so good, because the heavy imposition of tax by the government. With the arrival of maharaja gulab singh 1846, conditions for the artisans and and of the shawl industry worsed. The impoded annual tax levied by maharaja on each shawl weaver was Rs.47.8.
Paintings and Lifestyles of Jammu Region: From 17th to 19th Century A.D. - Raj Kumar
During the mughal and Afghan rule, the shawl industries of Kashmir , were at their zenith and this factor contributed towards the growth of urban population in the valley.
Kashmir Under Maharaja Ranjit Singh - C. Baron V. Hugel, Annotated By D.C. Sharma
Kashmiri Pandits during Afghan rule
It was in the afghan period that kashmiri pandits attained proficiency in Persian and not began to form part of the administration of the land. One such kashmiri pandit poet, dayaram kachru (1747-1811), came from a family known for its scholarship in persian and Sanskrit and for service as civil officials to the afghans.
Languages of Belonging: Islam, Regional Identity, and the Making of Kashmir - Chitralekha Zutshi
Due to their education and integrity, Afghans used to appoint Pandits as
kardars, who were responsible for collecting 'agricultural tax' from the peasants on the behalf of the governor.
Kashmir: Its Aborigines and Their Exodus - Colonel Tej K Tikoo
George Forster also noted there was a toleration of religion during Afghan rule. Hindus, Sikhs, Christians and Jews pursued their occupations without molestation; When describing the Hindus of Kashmir, he continued-;Among the foreign nations who frequent this city (Kabul) the Hindus chiefly of Peshawar contribute more than any other to enrich it by a superior industry and knowledge of commerce; and they enjoy under the Afghan Government a liberty and protection little short of that experienced by the inhabitants of our Indian possessions. The benefits derived by a State from the residence of any class of people usually ensure to them a security of person and property, but the Hindus of Kabul are indebted I believe for special indulgence to one of their own sect, who controls the revenue of the Shah and stands high in favour;.
The people in general were described as; the Kashmiris are gay and lively people with strong propensities to pleasure.; This is hardly a description of people in severe oppression with nothing to look forward to and possessing no future.
(Bibliography A Journey from Bengal to England by George Forster 1786).
sanitation.
History of the Muslims of Indo-Pakistan Sub-continent, 1707-1806 - Abdur Rashid
Afghan architecture in Kashmir
While the Mughals built gardens across Kashmir, the Afghans built fortresses and erected some buildings as well. The most famous fortress and complex, Sher Garhi Palace, built in 1772 by the Afghan governor, Jawan Sher Khan, was later used by all their successors, including the present Indian occupied Kashmir government. Amir Khan Jawan Sher built the Amiran Kadal, the bridge which stands at the entrance of Srinagar, and constructed the palace of the Shergarhi. A canal linking the dal lake with anchar lake was also built in his time.
(The Valley of Kashmir by Walter Lawrence
1895). The Valley of Kashmir - Sir Walter Roper Lawrence
Sher Garhi Palace, 1907
Trade and Commerce during Afghan period
In Kashmere are seen merchants and commercial agents of most of the principal
cities of northern India, also of Tartary, Persia and Turkey, who at the same time
advance their fortunes and enjoy the pleasures of a fine climate
(A Journey from Bengal to England by George Forster 1786)
A Journey from Bengal to England: Through the Northern Part of India ... - George Forster
Writing Paper of Kashmir during Afghan rule, 1783.
George foster, writing in 1782, says that the kahmiris fabricated the best writing paper of the east”. The kashmiri paper possessed the quality that once the ink had been washed off , it could again be used for writing.
Kashmir Under the Sultans - Mohibbul Hasan
Flourishing of shawl industry during Afghan rule
It was during Mughal rule, the Shawl industry first assumed an enormous international standing and increased output. It was during Afghan Muslim rule the Shawl industry in addition to other commodities and trades received newer customers still in the form of Iran, Turkistan and Russia as well as Afghanistan. Kashmiris as well as merchants from abroad could meet and trade with one another without being worried most of their profit would go to the state. In later Sikh and Hindu rule, in respect to the Shawl industry alone, foreign merchants largely traded not with Kashmiri shawl weavers but the State. By the 1900s, the Shawl industry in Kashmir was dead
During the close of 18th century, when Kashmir was under the afghans, the shawl industry thrived, with the market even extending even as far as turkey. In 1796 kashmiri shawl reached the hands of napoleon. His wife Josephine was immensely pleased and she set a new trend in fashion among women not only in paris but also in Europe and England. By 1800 AD the shawl trade between Kashmir and west was well established.
Arts and Crafts, Jammu and Kashmir: Land, People, Culture - D. N. Saraf
With the establishment of Afghan reign in Kashmir valley in 1753, the
shawl industry received a boast. It was during this period the Kashmiri shawls
were in demand in iran, Afghanistan and Russia. During sikh rule , the condition of silk weavers was not so good, because the heavy imposition of tax by the government. With the arrival of maharaja gulab singh 1846, conditions for the artisans and and of the shawl industry worsed. The impoded annual tax levied by maharaja on each shawl weaver was Rs.47.8.
Paintings and Lifestyles of Jammu Region: From 17th to 19th Century A.D. - Raj Kumar
During the mughal and Afghan rule, the shawl industries of Kashmir , were at their zenith and this factor contributed towards the growth of urban population in the valley.
Kashmir Under Maharaja Ranjit Singh - C. Baron V. Hugel, Annotated By D.C. Sharma
Kashmiri Pandits during Afghan rule
It was in the afghan period that kashmiri pandits attained proficiency in Persian and not began to form part of the administration of the land. One such kashmiri pandit poet, dayaram kachru (1747-1811), came from a family known for its scholarship in persian and Sanskrit and for service as civil officials to the afghans.
Languages of Belonging: Islam, Regional Identity, and the Making of Kashmir - Chitralekha Zutshi
Due to their education and integrity, Afghans used to appoint Pandits as
kardars, who were responsible for collecting 'agricultural tax' from the peasants on the behalf of the governor.
Kashmir: Its Aborigines and Their Exodus - Colonel Tej K Tikoo
George Forster also noted there was a toleration of religion during Afghan rule. Hindus, Sikhs, Christians and Jews pursued their occupations without molestation; When describing the Hindus of Kashmir, he continued-;Among the foreign nations who frequent this city (Kabul) the Hindus chiefly of Peshawar contribute more than any other to enrich it by a superior industry and knowledge of commerce; and they enjoy under the Afghan Government a liberty and protection little short of that experienced by the inhabitants of our Indian possessions. The benefits derived by a State from the residence of any class of people usually ensure to them a security of person and property, but the Hindus of Kabul are indebted I believe for special indulgence to one of their own sect, who controls the revenue of the Shah and stands high in favour;.
The people in general were described as; the Kashmiris are gay and lively people with strong propensities to pleasure.; This is hardly a description of people in severe oppression with nothing to look forward to and possessing no future.
(Bibliography A Journey from Bengal to England by George Forster 1786).
Battle of Panipat, 1526 - Afghans vs Mughals
In 1526 Babur captured Kabul. For several years he tried to re-conquer his hereditary domain but failed, The deficit economy of mountainous plateau of Afghanistan forced Babur’s attention towards India. The stories of riches of India and plunder picked up by his ancestor Timur inflamed Babur passion . Moreover Babur required glory and money to keep the afghan soldiers under his control. Otherwise they would desert Mughal standards and join the rebellious chieftains, who from their hilly stronghold, were threatening Babur’s shaky rule.
Babur decided to test the quality of Ibrahim’s military responses by conducting frontier raids. In 1519 Babur took the Bajaur fort, plundered Bhira and then returned to Kabul. In 1520 he led a plundering expedition upon Sialkot. He continued such raids till 1524.The inaction of Ibrahim lodi’s government encouraged Babur to stake every thing towards decisive throw of dice. Babur crossed the Rubicon when he launched his main invasion in the winter of 1525. His force crossed the Indus over Attock.
Initially the Delhi court thought Babur was leading yet another plundering expedition. But when they won Punjab , Ibrahim realized the gravity of situation and set his military machine in motion.. Ibrahim himself accompanied the army, which was under his general Bahadur khan. Lethargy, indiscipline and indecisiveness dogged the lodi army. After one day march , the lodi force halted for two or four days. It was as if Ibrahim didn’t know what to do, advance or retreat.
Ibrahim had more than one hundred thousand men and one thousand elephants. However it is improbable that he brought this whole army to fight the Mughal invaders. It was impossible to move one thousands elephants simultaneously because each such animal daily required huge amounts of water and fodder. Moreover while the Rajput ruler, Rana Sanga threatened the southern boundary of Ibrahim’s domain, recalcitrant afghan chiefs created problems in the eastern parts. To guard against these two threats, Ibrahim had to detached substantial number of troops and elephants.
One of the Ibrahim's commander Daud Khan lodi advanced seven miles from the main army to test the Mughal army’s strength. Several skirmishes occurred between the afghan and the Mughal advance guards before the main battle was fought. Babur mobile cavalry took many afghan prisoners.
Thanks to his long experience of fighting in central Asia, Babur was adept at using violence to terrorize his opponents. On march 1526 , Babur deliberately killed all his afghan prisoners and made a pyramid with their skulls. On 12 April 1526 two opposing forces finally met at Panipat.
Babur needed a quick victory, because he was far away from his base Kabul. The Uzbkes were threatening to invade his domain. To provoke Ibrahim into hasty action , as advised from deserters from the lodi side, decide on night attack. The sally on the night of 19 April was made under command of Mahdi Khwaja. Since Babur troops were not trained for night attacks, it was not decisive.
On 21 April Babur decided to try his luck. Babur realized that since Ibrahim is commanding bigger force, he might attempt to attack Mughal flanks. So Babur deployed his army with its right side protected by the suburb of the town named Panipat. To protect the left side of his army , Babur ordered his army to dig a ditch. At some places ditch was covered by mud to allow counter attack by small groups of two hundred cavalry each. These units were know as “braves”
Babur anticipated the mad onrush by Ibrahim's foot soldiers and might elephants . he insisted on constructing field fortifications. His men collected seven hundred carts. These carts carried guns as well as troops baggage. Ustad Ali was ordered to join up these carts with ropes of raw hide. Babur admits in his memoirs that it is typical ottoman tactic for stopping an enemy cavalry charge. Ustad ali had witnessed battle of chaldiran fought near Tabriz between ottomans and Safavids. Between every two carts in Babur’s line. Six wooden tripods were set up. The matchlocks were to support their handguns on these tripods while firing. The matchlock men under Ustaad Quli supplanted by cannon in cart under Mustafa were in charge of securing front of Mughal army.
!8 year old Hamyaun commanded the right wing of the Mughal line. The Mughal left was under Muhammad Mirza. The advanced guards were under Khusrau Kukaldus. Abdul Aziz was in charge of reserve. The Mughal center was divided into two parts. The right hand of Mughal center was under chin Timur and Khalifa Khaja commanded the left part of it. The most crucial component of Mughal force was Tulghama contingents. . they were the flanking parties. Their aim being to charge at enemy’s sides and thereby to turn their flanks. after this the two Tulghama contingents were to join hands at the rear of enemy thus completely surrounding him. The Uzbeks of central Asia were adept at implementing this tactic.
Babur plan was to allow Ibrahim attack first and then check it through prudent use of filed fortification, cannons and matchlocks. If this succeeded . the afghan attack would come to a halt. Babur then planned to throw his fresh Tulghama parties against Ibrahim;s exhausted troops to encircle and eliminate them.
When the order to advance was given , Ibrahim's troops moved forward and the troops on Ibrahim;s left were able to reach Mughal right. The reserve under Abdul Aziz strengthened the Mughal’s right. Simultaneously Babur ordered the braves to counter-attack, and Ibrahim's left wing came to a halt. Moments later, the Lodi right wing, with some elephants, clashed with Mughal left. There was close quarter hand to hand combat with Ibrahim's infantry, armed with swords. A combination of arrows loosened by croos0bow men , and the shots of matchlock and cannon, forced out elephants. Lodi troops were confused, they were undecided whether to advance again or retreat, Babur realized that decisive moment has arrived. His ordered his center to stand firm and right and left wings to advance and attack the Lodis. To add confusion, Babur simultaneously launched his trump cards, the tulghama contingents. The turning parties, galloping forward at high speed, shouting “hai, hai”, discharged arrows towards the flank of enemies. At this point Babur’s army looked like two horns of a crescent attempting to swallow the lodi army. Troops on the right and left of Ibrahim felt the pressure of tulghama parties and started retreating towards center. The rain of arrows loosened on Ibrahim;s massed troops by the mounted archers resulted in massive resulted in massive slaughter. The lodi soldiers tried to flee the battlefield but were slaughtered., Ibrahim, like paurava, possessed personal courage and he fought and died in the battlefield. Even his arch enemy Babur paid respect to his dead body, touching it and crying out over it , ‘honour to your courage’.
Over seventy percent of Ibrahim’s forces suffered casualties. About 35,000 soldiers on lodi side were wounded and the 15,000 dead soldiers from the lodhi force lay scattered on battlefield. The battle lasted for six hours .
India's Historic Battles: From Alexander the Great to Kargil
Above depicts both moghul and afghan cavalryman in action.Behind is matchlock-man with a protective mantlet.These and cannons were Babur's ace card at Panipat.The first picture depicts Baburid cavalry,heavy and light.
Afghan foot archer
Babur decided to test the quality of Ibrahim’s military responses by conducting frontier raids. In 1519 Babur took the Bajaur fort, plundered Bhira and then returned to Kabul. In 1520 he led a plundering expedition upon Sialkot. He continued such raids till 1524.The inaction of Ibrahim lodi’s government encouraged Babur to stake every thing towards decisive throw of dice. Babur crossed the Rubicon when he launched his main invasion in the winter of 1525. His force crossed the Indus over Attock.
Initially the Delhi court thought Babur was leading yet another plundering expedition. But when they won Punjab , Ibrahim realized the gravity of situation and set his military machine in motion.. Ibrahim himself accompanied the army, which was under his general Bahadur khan. Lethargy, indiscipline and indecisiveness dogged the lodi army. After one day march , the lodi force halted for two or four days. It was as if Ibrahim didn’t know what to do, advance or retreat.
Ibrahim had more than one hundred thousand men and one thousand elephants. However it is improbable that he brought this whole army to fight the Mughal invaders. It was impossible to move one thousands elephants simultaneously because each such animal daily required huge amounts of water and fodder. Moreover while the Rajput ruler, Rana Sanga threatened the southern boundary of Ibrahim’s domain, recalcitrant afghan chiefs created problems in the eastern parts. To guard against these two threats, Ibrahim had to detached substantial number of troops and elephants.
One of the Ibrahim's commander Daud Khan lodi advanced seven miles from the main army to test the Mughal army’s strength. Several skirmishes occurred between the afghan and the Mughal advance guards before the main battle was fought. Babur mobile cavalry took many afghan prisoners.
Thanks to his long experience of fighting in central Asia, Babur was adept at using violence to terrorize his opponents. On march 1526 , Babur deliberately killed all his afghan prisoners and made a pyramid with their skulls. On 12 April 1526 two opposing forces finally met at Panipat.
Babur needed a quick victory, because he was far away from his base Kabul. The Uzbkes were threatening to invade his domain. To provoke Ibrahim into hasty action , as advised from deserters from the lodi side, decide on night attack. The sally on the night of 19 April was made under command of Mahdi Khwaja. Since Babur troops were not trained for night attacks, it was not decisive.
On 21 April Babur decided to try his luck. Babur realized that since Ibrahim is commanding bigger force, he might attempt to attack Mughal flanks. So Babur deployed his army with its right side protected by the suburb of the town named Panipat. To protect the left side of his army , Babur ordered his army to dig a ditch. At some places ditch was covered by mud to allow counter attack by small groups of two hundred cavalry each. These units were know as “braves”
Babur anticipated the mad onrush by Ibrahim's foot soldiers and might elephants . he insisted on constructing field fortifications. His men collected seven hundred carts. These carts carried guns as well as troops baggage. Ustad Ali was ordered to join up these carts with ropes of raw hide. Babur admits in his memoirs that it is typical ottoman tactic for stopping an enemy cavalry charge. Ustad ali had witnessed battle of chaldiran fought near Tabriz between ottomans and Safavids. Between every two carts in Babur’s line. Six wooden tripods were set up. The matchlocks were to support their handguns on these tripods while firing. The matchlock men under Ustaad Quli supplanted by cannon in cart under Mustafa were in charge of securing front of Mughal army.
!8 year old Hamyaun commanded the right wing of the Mughal line. The Mughal left was under Muhammad Mirza. The advanced guards were under Khusrau Kukaldus. Abdul Aziz was in charge of reserve. The Mughal center was divided into two parts. The right hand of Mughal center was under chin Timur and Khalifa Khaja commanded the left part of it. The most crucial component of Mughal force was Tulghama contingents. . they were the flanking parties. Their aim being to charge at enemy’s sides and thereby to turn their flanks. after this the two Tulghama contingents were to join hands at the rear of enemy thus completely surrounding him. The Uzbeks of central Asia were adept at implementing this tactic.
Babur plan was to allow Ibrahim attack first and then check it through prudent use of filed fortification, cannons and matchlocks. If this succeeded . the afghan attack would come to a halt. Babur then planned to throw his fresh Tulghama parties against Ibrahim;s exhausted troops to encircle and eliminate them.
When the order to advance was given , Ibrahim's troops moved forward and the troops on Ibrahim;s left were able to reach Mughal right. The reserve under Abdul Aziz strengthened the Mughal’s right. Simultaneously Babur ordered the braves to counter-attack, and Ibrahim's left wing came to a halt. Moments later, the Lodi right wing, with some elephants, clashed with Mughal left. There was close quarter hand to hand combat with Ibrahim's infantry, armed with swords. A combination of arrows loosened by croos0bow men , and the shots of matchlock and cannon, forced out elephants. Lodi troops were confused, they were undecided whether to advance again or retreat, Babur realized that decisive moment has arrived. His ordered his center to stand firm and right and left wings to advance and attack the Lodis. To add confusion, Babur simultaneously launched his trump cards, the tulghama contingents. The turning parties, galloping forward at high speed, shouting “hai, hai”, discharged arrows towards the flank of enemies. At this point Babur’s army looked like two horns of a crescent attempting to swallow the lodi army. Troops on the right and left of Ibrahim felt the pressure of tulghama parties and started retreating towards center. The rain of arrows loosened on Ibrahim;s massed troops by the mounted archers resulted in massive resulted in massive slaughter. The lodi soldiers tried to flee the battlefield but were slaughtered., Ibrahim, like paurava, possessed personal courage and he fought and died in the battlefield. Even his arch enemy Babur paid respect to his dead body, touching it and crying out over it , ‘honour to your courage’.
Over seventy percent of Ibrahim’s forces suffered casualties. About 35,000 soldiers on lodi side were wounded and the 15,000 dead soldiers from the lodhi force lay scattered on battlefield. The battle lasted for six hours .
India's Historic Battles: From Alexander the Great to Kargil
Above depicts both moghul and afghan cavalryman in action.Behind is matchlock-man with a protective mantlet.These and cannons were Babur's ace card at Panipat.The first picture depicts Baburid cavalry,heavy and light.
Afghan foot archer
Wednesday 25 June 2014
Pir Sabir Shah (the spiritual pir of Ahmad Shah Durrani)
Pir Sabir Shah was a dervish and Ahmad Shah Abdali's spiritual pir. The Bayan-i-Waqai refers to Pir Sabir Shah as the son of a farrier from Lahore and describes Lahore as 'his country.' Meanwhile, the Siyar al-Mutakherin describes him as the grandson of a famous farrier from Kabul. It appears that his family was originally from Kabul and migrated to settle in Lahore. [1]
Sabir Shah abandoned Lahore in his youth and traveled to Kabul, Kandahar, and Herat. A few days before Nadir Shah's assassination, he predicted Ahmad Khan Abdali's rise to kingship. At a jirga of the Abdalis in Kandahar for the selection of their king, he put sheaves of wheat on the head of Ahmad Shah Durrani and proclaimed him "Badshah, Durr-i Dauran" (King, the Pearl of the Age), a title Ahmad Shah later changed to "Durr-i-Durran" (Pearl of Pearls). [2]
In 1748 Pir Sabir Shah visited his birthplace Lahore. The Tarikh-i-Sultani says that Sabir Shah repeated his old game of small tents in the bazars of Lahore and said that he was bringing the rule of Ahmad Shah Abdali to the country. Shah Nawaz Khan (Mughal governor of Lahore) could not bear to hear this, he ordered the dervish to be put to death. According to the contemporary Anand Ram Mukhlis, hot melted lead was poured down the throat of Sabir Shah. [3]
The tomb of Pir Sabir Shah is situated on a raised platform at the back of Badshahi mosque towards the Taksali Gate. [4]
.webp) |
| Pir Sabir Shah placing a cluster of wheat on Ahmad Shah Abdali's turban, proclaiming him as a king. Painting by Ustad Abdul Ghafur Breshna, made in 1942. Source |
 |
| Shrine of Sher Surkh where coronoation of Ahmad Shah Abdali took place. Source: "Ahmad Shah Baba Afghan" by Mir Ghulam Muhammad Ghobar |
 |
| The cluster of wheat on the national flag of Afghanistan, is a reference to the cluster of wheat put in the turban of Ahmad Shah Abdali by Pir Sabir Shah Lahori. |
References
1- "Bayan-i-Waqi" and "Siyar al-Mutakhireen".
2- "Historical Dictionary of Afghanistan" by Thomas H. Johnson, Ludwig W. Adamec
3- "Ahmad Shah Durrani by Ganda Singh
4- Ibid
Pashtun–Mughal War (1672–1677)
In 1672 some soldiers of Hussain Beg Khan, the Mughal faujdar of Kunar, insulted a Parachi women affiliated to Safi tribe, which infuriated the Safi tribe who killed the culprit Mughal soldiers. Hussain Beg Khan retaliated by attacking and plundering the Safi territory. This incident led to a great Pashtun revolt against Mughals.
Mughal force disaster in Khyber , 1672
Aimal Khan , leading the lashkar of Afridis, Shinwaris and Mohmands, closed the Khyber Pass in the spring of 1672. Muhammad Amin Khan, the haughty Mughal governor of Kabul, who had been passing the winter at Peshawar, moved to Kabul for the summer months, disregarding his officer's advice. He had with him all his family and camp followers, which slowed down the rest of his army, and doomed them to an ambush in the narrow gorge at Ali Masjid.
In the battle that followed the Afghans rained down arrows, bullets, and stones from the hill-tops on the Mughals. The army broke into a confused mass into which the triumphant enemy charged. Muhammad Amin Khan and his officers escaped with their lives to Peshawar but forty thousand men fell under the enemy's sword in the field, and above two crores of rupees in cash and kind was looted by the enemy. They captured 20,000 men and women and sent them to Central Asia for sale. Amin Khan's own family, including his wife, were among the prisoners but he secured their release by paying a huge ransom.
Aimal Khan declares himself a King
Encouraged by the great victory at Khyber pass, Aimal Khan Afridi declared himself a king, assumed the title of Aimal Shah, and struck coins in his own name. He summoned all the Pashtun tribes to join the national uprising against the Mughals.
General Afghan rising
News of this great victory, and of the immense riches gained by Aimal, spread like wildfire among the Afghans. Many of them came over to his army; other tribes raised the banner of revolt against the Mughals. The recently suppressed Yusufzai's recovered their lands from Mughal occupation.
Battle of Nowshera
The Khattak tribe, located in the southern portions of Peshwar, rose under their chieftain Khushal Khan, who had recently served in the Mughal campaign against his hereditary enemies the Yusufzais. Khushal joined up with Aimal Khan and Darya Khan Afridi and inspired the Afghans with his poetry and by his victories over the isolated Mughal posts. He led a joint tribal lashkar consisting of eight thousands men to attack the Mughal fort in Nowshera. Pir Paie was burnt to ashes and later on the fort at Nowshera was ransacked. Imperial forces suffered heavy losses in men and material.
Doaba campaign
After the victory at Nowshera, the Pashtun lashkar defeated the Mughal commander Mir Hussain at Doaba near Charsadda.
Mahabat Khan, the new governor, was nearly seventy and incapable of much exertion. He remained inactive at Peshawar and was only persuaded to make move towards Kabul by repeated orders from the emperor. Aurangzeb was displeased with Mahabat Khan and sent Shujaat Khan to deal with Afghan tribes.
Defeat of Mughal army at Karapa
Shujaat Khan, who had recently made the name for himself by quelling Satnami rising, was sent by Aurangzeb to quell the Afghan resistance . Shujaat Khan came to Peshawar in February 1674 A.D to restore the imperial prestige, and after a short stay at Peshawar, moved to Gandab valley. He found the Karrapa pass blocked by Afghans led by Aimal Khan. The Afghans attacked the imperial army with swords and stones alike, Shujaat Khan was killed while fighting against the Afghans.Thousands of Mughals soldiers were killed in this affair.
Aurangzeb takes command
The Karrapa disaster convinced Aurangzeb that a supreme effort must be made to restore imperial prestige. He himself went to Hasan Abdal and stayed there for year and half directing the operations. The emperor took with him all the veterans who had service in afghan country in the previous reigns. Aghar khan, who had distinguished himself in the by fighting afghans on previous occasions, being recalled from Deccan to accompany him. Force and diplomacy, both were tried, and the emperor was able to, to restore peace inn the neighborhood of Peshawar. Many clans were won over by lucre and posts in the Mughal service.
Agha Khan, a Turki general, was directed to escort Prince Akbar and to keep open the Khyber pass. At Gandamak he engaged in action with Afghans, who were thirty or forty thousands strong. After both the sides had suffered heavy losses, the Afghans gave way.. Aghar Khan himself received fatal injuries but survived.
Aghar Khan next occupied Nangarhar and opened the Jagdalak pass, expelling the Ghilzais from it.
In 1675 A.D, the Afghans inflicted a crushing defeat on Fidai Khan at Jagdalak on his way to Peshawar. His fate would have been sealed if Aghar Khan had not rescued him by a prompt action from Gandamak.
Mughal devasation at Khapush;
In June 1675 A.D, the Mughal army received another blow in the battle of Khapush. Mukarram Khan while operating near Khapush in the Bajaur country was lured into an ambush and repulsed with heavy losses by Pashtun lashkar led by Aimal Khan and Darya Khan. Mughal commander Shamsher Khan got killed in this battle while the seriously wounded Mukarram Khan was able to reach the Mughal base in Bajaur.
At the end of August there were two local reverses; the thanadar of Jagdalik was slain and that of Barangab and Surkhab was driven out of his post with severe loss of men. But all the Mughal positions in Afghanistan were strengthened, and by December, 1675, the situation has sufficiently improved to enable the emperor to leave the Punjab for Delhi.
Khushal Khan invades Kohat and gets defeated
At the time of Aurangzeb's leaving for Lahore, a fierce fight took place between Khushal Khan Khattak and Sher Muhamamd Bangash, a pro-Mughal chief, at Gumbat near Kohat. Sher Muhammad Bangash defeated Khushal Khan , Khushal Khan and his son Abdul Qadir were seriously wounded.
Next year Aurangzeb sent Prince Mu'azzam against the Afghans. With the Prince were associated Amir Khan and other distinguished generals.
Amir Khan quells the revolt
Amir Khan successfully coped with the Afghans and his services were recognized by the bestowal of the governorship of Kabul on him. He governed Afghanistan with considerable tact and ability. He granted large subsidies to the border tribes and won them over to his side by lucrative concessions. quells the revolt. Under his astute management, they ceased to trouble the imperial government and spent their energies in internecine quarrels. Once he broke up a confederacy under Aimal Khan by secretly instigating that chieftain's followers to ask him to divide the conquered territory among them.When Aimal declined on the ground of the insufficiency of the land, the disappointed hill- men began to return home. And when at last he did make a division, his other followers left him because of his having shown greater favour to his own clansmen.
The emperor triumphed in Afghanistan by following the policy of paying subsidies and setting clan against clan. Amir Khan's diplomacy broke up the confederacy under Aimal, and when that able leader dies the Afridis made terms with the empire. The Khyber was kept open. But Khush-hal Khan Khattak continued the war single-handed for many years afterwards, till his own son betrayed him to the enemy. The fallen chieftain solaced his exile and captivity by composing stinging verses against Aurangzeb.
Impact of Afghan war on Mughal empire
The war had cost much to the empire. Apart from the financial loss, the political loss was grievous. It made the employments of afghans in the ensuing Rajput war impossible. Though the afghans were just class of soldiers who could have won the victory for imperialists in the rugged and barren country. It relived pressure on Shivaji by draining the Deccan of the best of Mughal troops for elsewhere .The Maratha chief fully exploited the diversion to consolidate himself and sweep through Golkanda, Karnatak and Bijapur during the fifteen months following December 1676. Thus frontier trouble adversely reacted upon the stability of empire.
Sources
1-Studies in Mughal History - Ashvini Agrawal
2- Mughal Empire in India: A Systematic Study Including Source Material - S.R. Sharma -
3-Mughal Rule in India - Stephen Meredyth Edwardes -
4-The Mughal Empire from Babar to Aurangzeb - Sm Jaffar -
5- History of Aurangzib - Jadunath Sarkar
 |
| Aurangzeb Alamgir |
 |
| Khushal Khan Khattak |
Bakht Khan Rohilla, the hero of 1857's war of independence
Bakht Khan belonged to the family of Nawab Najib-ud-Daulah (Najib Khan Yousafzai). He was grandson of Sultan Khan, a brother of Najib-ud-Daulah. Bakht Khan was, therefore, a cousin of Ghulam Qadir Khan Rohilla
In Bareilly, the garrison rebelled on May 31, 1857. After the routine of initial confusion, disorder, looting and killing, Khan Bahadar Khan was proclaimed leader. Bakht Khan was a Pashtun related to the family of Rohilla chief Najib-ul-Daula, from omar khel branch of the Yusufzai tribe. He was born in Bijnor in Rohilkhand and later became a subedar in the army of the East India Company, gaining forty years of experience in the Bengal horse artillery and seeing action in the First Anglo-Afghan War .
Bakht Khan arrived at Delhi on July 1, 1857, with an immense troopps of rohilla sepoys and 4000 muslim jihadis loyal to maulvi sarfraz ali. His reputation as an able administrator and a shrewd military strategist had reached Delhi much before his arrival.
The poor Mughal King, after much reluctance, decides to award the just landed General ,a royal sword and a buckle but Bakht Khan still refuses to present the ‘nazar’ (a mandatory monetary gift to be offered to the King) when meeting him. Soon after, this Khan then begins to give a piece of his mind to the king, he begins, “Your good for nothing princes [sons] enjoy full powers over your military. Give all the power to me as no one else but I know the norms of the English army, who knows them better than me?” This was blunt and undiplomatic at its best, but the man in question, meant business. He was duly appointed the Governor General of the army, effectively displacing Mirza Mughal the headstrong son of Zafar.
Munshi Jiwan Lal in the notes to his British Masters appreciates measures taken by Bakht Khan. There were to be no taxes on salt and sugar, looting [by the just arrived rebel soldiers]had to be stopped else their plundering hands would be cut off, shopkeepers were to be given full protection and even encouraged to use weaponsif they had none, then would be duly provided from the state armory], soldiers were to be removed from the Dilli bazaars as it created difficulties for the general public and relocated in camps outside Delhi gate, their salaries were to be restored and promises of jagirs were made to them in return of their services to the army. He further informs that the General’s men had also killed three spies working for the British [M.Baqar Ali, father of Muhammad Husain Azad, the famous Urdu writer, too, had complained in his first report that, he is followed by the spies of Bakht Khan wherever he goes,
General Bakht Khan always worked on new strategies to defeat his enemy. Soon after his arrival, on the ninth of July he made a massive attempt to destroy the British forces and one of his strategies was to clothe his men in British white uniforms. This took the opponents by surprise and a deep access was gained into their camp.
Mirza Mughal had nursed a grudge since the General caused his removal from the military affairs. Bakht Khan’s undiplomatic ways too didn’t help. He was ruthless enough to ask the princes to keep away from military and administrative affairs as he believed ‘everyone knew that they were good for nothing fellows’.
Bakht Khan informed the king that Prince Khizar and others were stashing away the taxes collected from the city traders and due to this salaries of the army could not be paid. Prince Khizar was asked to return the booty. The commoners were pleased with him while the Mughal princes vowed vengeance.
The Neemuch brigade-his force- was well-known for its valor; but the two of its generals Ghaus Khan and General Sidhari Singh [supporter of Mirza Mughal] parted ways, from Bakht Khan, as they couldn’t digest the fact that, an officer of the similar rank as theirs should get so much importance from the King. During the battles he was left alone to fend for himself. A most ridiculous charge of his being a British spy also came along. All this put him under great pressure and he had to issue a statement denying all these charges. Whether it was failure to capture the army bastions at Alipur, Manali Bridges and the Ridge and almost all the failures were wrongly attributed to the General. Zafar too now was infected with doubt and the devious designs of his foes resulted in Bakht Khan’s removal as Governor General by the end of July. A Court of Administration was established to run the affairs of the Mughal Darbar. The General and his Bareilly brigade kept their distance from it but their assaults grew weaker and the tremendous pressure that he was able to put on the British began to diminish. Dalrymple remarks, “…the end of Bakht Khan’s military system brought instant relief to the British on the ridge”.
“And so, when we were scarcely able to stand, the attacks ceased, as if by a dispensation of Providence, and gave our force the repose they so much needed.”. The one man who possessed the potential for defeating the enemy was thus, rendered impotent.
His military achievements despite the hostilities he faced were amazing; be it capturing three hundreds of British horses taking supplies to their masters, or one of his final determined attacks with his Bareilly and Neemuch troops, which forced the British to make a hasty retreat, from Hindu Rao’s house. Bakht Khan’s advance up to the house of Hindu Rao was no mean achievement; it threatened to cut off the British troops from their camp.
On September 14 when, the British assaulted the Kashmiri Gate and the scene grew bleaker , bakht khan continued persuading Zafar to join him in the inevitable retreat as the area outside Delhi was still under the rebel control and help could be at hand. The former Subedar in his last ditch attempt, insisted to Zafar, that, the name and status of Mughal King would surely bring victory to the Indians. Never say die spirit of Bakht Khan is here for all of us to see. The fragile eighty year old King Zafar, last descendant of the Timuri lineage had even agreed initially. But schemers like Hakeem Ahsanullah Khan, the court physician and Mirza Ilahi Bakhsh, father in law of Zafar’s deceased heir Mirza Fakhru, superseded the Khan one more time, eventually leading the last Timur to be a hapless royal British prisoner. Bakht khan himself fled Delhi and joined rebel forces in Lucknow and Shahjahanpur
Burial
Historians in Swat claim that it was there that he came when the war was lost. Bakht Khan spent his later life under the protection of the Akhound of Swat.
Historian Fazal Mahmood Rokhan says, “General Bakht Khan was called ‘The Prince’ by Swati people of the day but they had no knowledge of his role as a freedom fighter. He kept his heroic past to himself to keep the British away.”
Professor Shad Khan, a former professor at Jahanzeb College, Saidu Sharif, said, “I would go to the tomb of a brave man with my grandmother, who told me that this is the tomb of the ‘Prince’ who had fought bravely against the English. It was the tomb, not of a prince from India, but a general, Bakht Khan.”
Rokhan said, “I have regularly visited the tomb of the unknown prince (presumably Bakht Khan) with Professor Shad Khan and have seen its condition deteriorate over the decades.”
He added that the grave was once looted by gravediggers hoping to find treasure as many consider him a saint. Incidentally many people continue to visit the grave, hoping the “prince” will answer their prayers.
Lawrence of Arabia in Waziristan
Thomas Edward Lawrence, byname Lawrence of Arabia was a British archaeological scholar, military strategist, and author best known for his legendary war activities in the Middle East during World War I and for his account of those activities in 'The Seven Pillars of Wisdom' (1926).
Lawrence arrived at Miranshah, an outpost in Waziristan near the Afghan border in May 1928. It was its remoteness that appealed to him. He returned the following January: for warfare had broken out in neighbouring Afghanistan.
Gilbert C. G. Lewis, a soldier in the Indian Army, remarked in a letter in 1928:
‘…You know Colonel Lawrence, the one who made such a name for himself in Arabia during the war? He is, at present with the R.A.F. at Miranshah – the people we play hockey with at Idak – as an office clerk! You had probably heard that he had joined the R.A.F. as a private in order to escape publicity. I tried to persuade them to bring him down with their team next time they come, but apparently he doesn’t take much interest in games! One would have thought that he could have found many better ways of avoiding publicity, as the life of a private must be rather irksome to one who always [has] done more or less as he pleased. They say he spends most of his spare time learning to type-write! …’ [Source]
The fact of Lawrence's coming to Waziristan and the role played by him during the Afghan revolt 1928-29 continues to be a mystery. No systematic study has been done so far to reveal the real nature and purpose of his stay in Waziristan. King Amanaullah Khan himself said, "I have also heard much about the alleged mischief done by Colonel Lawrence, but i did not get the opportunity to investigate the truth of this allegation". [PIHC, 1968, p-200]
 |
| Lawrence of Arabia standing on the aerodrome of Miranshah, Waziristan, December 1928. |
 |
| T E LAWRENCE OF ARABIA (THIRD FROM LEFT) WHILE SERVING WITH THE RAF AT MIRANSHAH FORT, WAZIRISTAN, NW FRONTIER OF INDIA, 1928 |
Monday 23 June 2014
Elite Afghan corps of Nadir Shah Afshar
Nadir Shah , a Turk of Afshar clan, was able to rally Persia around him in the name of his Safavid sovereign. In a series of victories , Nadir wrested control of Mashad from the Abdali Pashtuns in 1729, defeated Ashraf and his Ghilzais in 1730 , retook Herat from Abdalis in 1732 , overcame rebels in Caucasus and by 1736 was able to proclaim himself Shah of Persia in place of an effete Safavid puppet .In 1738 he captured Kandahar from Ghilzais. For his Indian expedition , Nadir had begin recruiting mercenaries from both the Abdalis and Ghilzais. Nadir had been much impressed by their fighting qualities in the course of his campaigns against them and was astute enough to win them over through his generous treatment after their defeats.
The Afghan contingent became elite corps of Nadir army, they were called “the immortals” like that of Achaemenians. The Abdalis formed the largest support but Nadir had fought strenuous battles against Ghilzais too and they too were well represented. The estimates of this corps vary between 4,000 to 16,000 , but whatever the strength , all accounts that the Afghan corps of the horse formed Nadir's bodyguard in whom alone he had complete reliance. They were commanded by eight Abdalis and two Ghilzai Maliks, the command-in-chief being in first instance in the hands of an Abdali of Alizai clan, Nur Muhammad khan. This body of men accompanied Nadir to India. The murder of number of them by the Delhi mob set the conqueror at a flashing point and led him in his fury to order the frightful massacre which has given the word to languages of northern India. Perhaps the most signal service rendered by them when they saved nadir army from complete destruction , when on his way through Khyber pass on his return from conquest of India he was beset by Afridi tribesmen in the gorges. On that occasion the Persian emperor was in most critical position , and was only able to extricate himself with the aid of gallant front put up by his Afghan corps. Even the he didn’t win clear until he had paid a heavy toll in cash to Afridis who had closed the defiles against him. In the end the preference Nadir showed to his afghan corps led to great jealousies among his own Turkmen, the well known Qizalbash or red-heads, became the main cause of his assassination by Muhammad Khan Qajar.
Nadir was murdered in his tent in 1747, some years after his return from India. At this time Abdali contingent was commanded by Ahmad khan. Hearing a tumult, Ahmad khan and his men rushed towards the standard , thinking to protect their king. Their way was barred by strong forces of Qizalbash, greatly outnumbering the Afghans. But Ahmad Khan, bound in a loyal cause, hacked his way through and entered the royal tent, only to find Nadir headless trunk in pool of blood . The Abdali devotion to King as real and they were overcome by mixed emotions, horrors over the loss of their chief and shame , that they , whom he trusted, had failed him. They find the time to give expression to their grief, and then once more fought their way through ,and , taking to horse made off to Kandahar. Not far from the camp they ran into a convoy of looted treasure that Muhammad Quli Khan had sent to Mashad. The Afghans plundered it , took the Koh—e-Noor diamond among other valuables and went home.
(Reference: The Pathans, 550 B.C.-A.D. 1957 by Sir Olaf Kirkpatrick Caroe)
In 1744 Jonas Hanway obtained information on Nadir Shah's 200,000 standing forces. The tribal contingents included Afghans , some of whom were Abdalis(50,000), Afshar (20,000), Uzbek Tartars(6,000), Turkemn(6,000)and Baluch (6,000).
(Reference: Nomadism in Iran: From Antiquity to the Modern Era By D. T. Potts, p-256)
 |
| Nader Shah, Mughal portrait, 1742, Ouseley Album |
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)