Wazir Akbar Khan, 1843

 

Akbar khan, the beloved son of Dost Mohammed Khan, emir of Afghanistan. Engraving by Lemaitre and Gibert from Afghanistan by Xavier Raymond, from Tararie, Belouchistan, Boutan et Nepal by Louis Dubeux (1798-1863) and Valmon, L'Univers pittoresque, published by Firmin Didot Freres, Paris, 1848.

Portrait of Ghazi Wazir Akbar Khan, by Abdul Ghafur Breshna

 

Source

Recommended Books

Sardar Muhammad Akbar Khan Barakzai, Jalalabad, 1842 (c)

Sardar Muhammad Akbar Khan Barakzai, Jalalabad, 1842 (c). Painting by James Atkinson. Source

"The prominent part played by this second son of Umeer Dost Mahomed Khan in the late insurrection in Afghanistan has rendered his name but too familiar in Britain. On the advance of the detachment under Sir Claude Wade by the Khyber Pass, he was ordered in that direction to arrest his progress. But the capture of Ali Musjid, and the divided state of parties in Kabul forced him to retreat on that city, abandoning his guns and baggage. He accompanied his father on his march to Urghundee, and thence fled with him to Bokhara, where he was detained a prisoner when Dost Mahomed escaped, and thus prevented affording him assistance during his last campaign. After obtaining his release, hedisobeyed his parent’s orders to surrender himself to the British Envoy, preferring the life of a houseless exile to a mean dependance on the bounty of his enemies. Soon after the breaking out of the insurrection he arrived at Kabul and at once joined the insurgents. That Sir William Macnaughten perished by his hands the accounts of the Officers present at the conference fully confirm, and to him are the disasters, which befell the army on its retreat towards India justly attributed. After its annihilation he marched to Jellalabad, but Sir Robert Sale’s refusal to evacuate that town disconcerted his plans and forced him to attempt its capture by storm. The energetic defence of the gallant garrison, however, foiled every assault, and the 7th of April last witnessed the signal defeat and total dispersion of his force, by troops, suffering from the privations of the seventeen months siege, short of food, scantily furnished with clothing, harassed by the incessant vigilance necessary for the safety of their post, and wanting in all save that discipline, bravery and devotion to their duty ever shown by the British Indian Army. In reference to this action it is due to Ukbar Khan to state, that with that liberality which marks the really brave, he invariably attributes his defeat to the fortune of war, and loudly extols the undaunted courage of his opponents led on by the heroic Sale. After this misfortune the Chief retreated to the fort where the prisoners who fell into his hands on the retreat of the army were confined, and after declaring in their presence that his own countrymen had basely deserted and betrayed him, although he had all along acted at the instigation of the Kabul Chiefs especially in the murder of the Envoy an destruction of the army, while they now refused to support him, directed a move towards the capital. Leaving his captives a few miles distant he himself entered the city and after a short struggle forced Futteh Jung, (a son of the deceased Shah Shoojau, who held possession of th citadel)to make terms and acknowledge him as his minister, and the rival Chieftains to submit to his authority. The advance of General Sir George Pollock, however necessitated him to fly towards Toorkistan, and the greater number of prisoners were hurried off in the same direction, but the defection of the Chief in charge of them from his cause, and the rapid march of a detachment from Cabul released them from his hands. The last accounts of his movements are to the effect that the Walee of Khooloom had assisted him with a large force of Uzbek horse, and he was preparing to march on Kabul as soon as the army had evacuated it. The return of Dost Mahomed Kahn may perchance induce him to change his designs, although in their contentions for power, the ties of kindred with but little in the estimation of Afghans. Having been once at the head of affairs, it may be doubted whether he will willingly succumb to his Father’s supremacy. Of his character as a man, one of his late prisoners thus speaks, “He is in every respect a very remarkable person gifted by nature with no ordinary abilities of mind (not heart.) A neglected education and over indulgence have in a great measure nullified these advantages. He possesses talent without knowledge, energy without prudence, courage without coolness, decision without self-control, liberality without principle. He is revengeful, passionate, and capable of any atrocity when roused: but on ordinary occasions, his acts are kind and his manner courteous. His conduct towards the prisoners was always frank, friendly and considerate, and he did his best to make them comfortable. When marching about, their fatigues and privations were excessive, but at that time the Chief was fugitive. When he ordered them to Toorkistan his evil passions were at work and there can be not rational doubt, had they not escaped, he would have consigned them to a life of slavery.” 

The town of Jellalabad situated midway between Cabul and Peshwar, was then first occupied by Sir Robert Sale’s force, partially encompassed by a mud wall in a state of ruin, without parapets or ditch, covered way or outworks of any kind, and surrounded on every side with gardens and houses, enclosed fields, mosques and ruined forts, affording strong cover to an enemy. But the indefatigable exertions of the garrison, though scantily supplied with entrenching tools soon placed it in a respectable state of defence, nor did the destruction of the greater part of their works by an earthquake paralyse their energies. With that noble fortitude which distinguished all ranks under every discouragement, the fortifications were speedily restored to so complete a state, as to call forth the admiration and praise of the Commander of the army which relieved them. On the retrograde march of the British troops from Kabul, the place was levelled to the ground, but the history of its siege and bold defence must rank high in the annals of the military prowess of Britain." [Character & costumes of Afghaunistan by Captain Lockyer Willis Hart].

Burj Hari Singh, Peshawar, January 27, 1903

 

Burj Hari Singh, Peshawar, January 27, 1903. Photo by Gertrude Bell. 

Burj Hari Singh (near Islamic college) marks the place where the Sikh general Hari Singh Nalwa fell fighting against Afghans. It was erected by Paolo Avitabile.

Wazir Akbar Khan's letter to the ruler of Bahawalpur

Bahawalpur, now part of Pakistani Punjab, functioned as a princely state under the British Raj and was formerly part of the Durrani Empire when it was ruled by the Saddozais. The disunited sons of Painda Khan Barakzai, who replaced the Saddozais in Kandahar, Kabul, and Peshawar, were more or less "Sardars" (chieftains) who were barely defending their own territories, let alone maintaining sway over Indian territories such as Bahawalpur.

In 1843, Wazir Akbar Khan, the hero of the First Anglo-Afghan War, wrote a letter to the Nawab of Bahawalpur in the hope of forming an anti-British alliance. Akbar Khan dispatched Jabbar Khan to verbally convey the details of an undertaking, potentially an anti-British one, while also hoping that the Nawab would expel the British political agent from his state. The Nawab, however, maintained strong relations with the British; in fact, he had been protected from Ranjit Singh by them and had long since lost his connections to the Kingdom of Afghanistan. He simply forwarded Akbar Khan's letter to the British without even breaking its seal. The British translated the letter into English, and it is now kept in the Records of the Ludhiana Agency (Book 15, pages 16 and 17), as cited by Farrukh Hussain in his book, Afghanistan in the Age of Empire.

"The letter that follows was written by Mahomed Akbar Khan to the Nawab of Bahawalpoor. Bahawalpoor was formerly part of the Durrani empire. The letter indicates an Afghan plan to retaliate against the British invasion of their land:

Translation of a letter from Mohamad Akbar Khan to Nawab Bhawul Khan of Bhawalpur 8th March 1843

(After compliments)

Let me offer thousand praises for having kept yourself safe and secure from the English and others. Let this be your high praise relations of friendship and amity have always subsisted between your and my ancestors ...

On the contrary (please god) these mutual relations will be more and more improved whatever agreement and promises Vizeer Futteh Khan may have formed with your father shall with all zeal be acted on. I am in daily anxious expectation of the arrival of my protector my father and as soon as under the auspices of God he arrives safe at this place my uncle Jabur Khan shall be sent to Derah Ghazee Khan for he is well acquainted with that country and is an experienced officer show him every kindness. Place perfect reliance on whatever he may tell you and act upon it and be very consistent together carry into execution the undertaking which you understand that you (ensure)... all please God it will be well done. There is no difference between us and never shall be. Be quite assured besides is now said that Mackeson a Feringhee “is in friendship with you and is with you, I would therefore suggest that if by any means on any pretext he can be turned out, you should do it without the least hesitation. You are yourself aware of the ways of the English and how deceitful they are you should continue to write to me and reply fully to this.

Akbar Khan”

The Nawab of Bahawalpoor duly sent the letter to the British authorities without even reading it.

Excerpt from " Afghanistan in the Age of Empires " (2018) by Farrukh Husain, page-368

Wazir Akbar Khan

📖 Related Posts

Return of a King - A critique of Dalrymple's book

Captain Robert Warburton married Shah Jahan Begum through deception and force

Return of a King - A critique of Dalrymple's book

By Farrukh Husain

Dalrymple commissions translations of Persian sources: Eight Persian sources have been translated and utilized by Dalrymple to varying degrees. Chief amongst these translated sources are the memoirs or Waqayat of Shah Shuja Ul Mulk. The Shuja memoirs were quoted by Kaye in his 1851 History of the war in Afghanistan. The Shuja Memoirs had previously been translated by a Lt Bennett and published in a Calcutta Journal in the early 1830s. Dalrymple has updated the Shuja memoirs translation to cover the first Afghan war and cites this source. Dalrymple further uses a court history produced during Amir Habibullah’s reign entitled Siraj Ul Tawarikh translated by McCheshney. Other sources newly translated and quoted works include the Jangnama, Akbarnama, Letters of Aminullah Logari and Nawa Marek. Rather annoyingly the letters of Aminullah Logari are only cited once, even that paraphrased. Most quotes are from Naway Marek, Waqayat and Siraj Ul Tawarikh. However Dalrymple has done well to bring these works to a wider audience.

Nothing really new to learn about the first Afghan war from Dalrymple:

2 quotes from other Amazon reviewers with a much larger common complaint:

1. “I regrettably didn't find much new in this work on the First Anglo-Afghan War.” (Reviewer: Romulus)

2. there is very little in it that is new about the First Afghan War (Reviewer: Dr Barry Clayton)

A lazy historiography filled with mistakes:

1. Page 5 Dalrymple Return of a King: “Here, eighteen months earlier, Napoleon, at the very peak of his power, had met the Russian Emperor, Alexander II”

Napoleon met Alexander I, not Alexander II

2. Afghan women and British officers (p.223 Dalrymple): ‘Afghan’s sense of honour was now beginning to be seriously offended by the growing number of affairs taking place between British officers and Afghan women. The most prominent was probably the marriage between Captain Robert Warburton and the beautiful Shah Jahan Begum, a niece of Dost Mohammad, to which both Burnes and Lt Sturt were witnesses’ Equally sensitive was between Lieutenant Lynch, the Political Agent at Qalat, and the beautiful sister of Walu Khan Shamulzai, the local Ghilzai Chieftain.”

The marriage by Captain Warburton to Shah Jahan Begum was a forced marriage: See Collister Hostage in Afghanistan page: 21-22. Dalrymple cites Collister in his bibliography but had he bothered to familiarize himself with this work, he would not have made the above mistake.

Dalrymple provides no evidence that Lieutenant Lynch married Walu Shamulzai’s sister Afghan or that there was an ‘affair’ – again this appears to have been a forced relationship since a British officer the infamous Nicholson intended to kill Walu Shamulzai and relented under pressure from Lynch who in turn received Walu Shamulzai’s sister: See p.321 Yapp Strategies of British India 1980.

3. Witnesses to assassination of A Burnes: “there are no eyewitness accounts surviving of the final moments of Burnes” p302 Dalrymple:

Buwh Singh a servant of Burnes witnessed the killing and gave a full statement which is in existence still and was available to the Victorian Historian Kaye. I quote Buwh Singh on pages 233-234 of Afghanistan in the Age of Empires.

4. Dalrymple states with a large hint of anti-Pashtun bias there is no evidence Shuja could speak Pashto: “Shuja created around him a highly cultured Persianate world – there is no indication that the Shah ever knew Pashtu, and he certainly did not write in it. He lived, as the Mughals did before him, a life of mobile kingship and in many ways he emerges as the last Timurid, exercising his rule in a country that was still at the crossroads of Iran, Central Asia, China and Hindustan, not the mountainous periphery it would later become.” p.501 Return of a King.

“He was a man of considerable ability, an Arabic scholar and a poet, well acquainted with Persian literature, speaking Persian perfectly, and Hindustani with ease, besides his mother-tongue Pushtu; yet, strange to say, the court language on public occasions is Turki! Everything said to the Shah in Persian was repeated to him by his Master of the Ceremonies in Turki, and he replied in the same manner, a curious reminiscence of the time when Afghan kings reigned from Bokhara to the Indian Ocean, and from Meshed to Sirhind.” p.185 Helen Mackenzie Storms and Sunshine in a Soldier’s Life. Ironically Colin Mackenzie, Helen’s husband is Dalrymple’s wife’s ancestor. Colin must surely be turning in his grave at Dalrymple’s ignorance of the central figure in Dalrymple’s book, Shah Shuja Ul Mulk.

Dalrymple appears to look down on spoken Pashto and furthermore blames the Afghans for their country ceasing to be at the “cross roads” of the region but becoming a neglected “mountainous periphery” in effect a forgotten backwater. Afghanistan was forced into becoming a “mountainous periphery” by Britain which did not want foreign travellers coming to Afghanistan and by the expansion of Russia and Britain which came to border Afghanistan. Britain failed to integrate Afghanistan into its trading systems until after the second Anglo Afghan war. Dalrymple merely blames the victims for the crimes of imperialism, an imperialism which Dalrymple’s family has benefitted greatly from to keep them in the style in which they have become accustomed.

5. In the Epilogue there is an imagined veteran:

Dalrymple claims to quote from a veteran of the first Afghan war named Gleig: “In 1843, shortly after his return from the slaughterhouse of the First Anglo-Afghan war, the army chaplain in Jalalabad, the Rev. G.R. Gleig, wrote a memoir about the disastrous expedition of which he was one of the lucky survivors” – unfortunately it does not appear Dalrymple read Gleig’s book in entirety since Gleig points out he never was a veteran of the 1st Anglo-Afghanistan war: “An accidental meeting with the 13th regiment at the sea-bathing quarter of Walmer during the autumn of last year gave me an opportunity of hearing more of the particulars of the Jellalabad siege than had previously been communicated to me. The narrative was full of interest when detailed by actors in the scenes which they described” (p.v Gleig). Gleig in fact was a famous Victorian author. I am sure he would be greatly amused to know that he has been raised to the status of being an Anglo-Afghan war veteran!

6. A depiction of Mullah Shakur?

One of the plates used by Dalrymple in Return of a King, claims to represent Mullah Shakur standing with Shah Shujah Ul Mulk, Safdur Jung and Timur Jung. The individual is in fact an unidentified servant. There is simply no proof that this is Shakur as claimed, other than an over fertile imagination or literary licence.

6.1 Dalrymple condemns Pollock alongside the portrait of Pollock in Dalrymple’s book as being the “meticulous but merciless Major-General Pollock commander of the Army of Retribution who laid waste to South-Eastern Afghanistan and burned Kabul to the ground.” Regretfully it was not Pollock who was the most merciless of the two British Generals Pollock and Nott. In fact Nott was the most merciless and pushed Pollock for retribution in Kabul, as Rawlinson wrote:

"The two courses of policy approved of by Gen Pollock and Gen Nott are distinctly opposite ... He (Pollock) finds it absolutely necessary to remain at Cabool for a short time to obtain both camels and grain he thinks that this object cannot be fancied unless there be the appearance at any rate of an organised Government. He accordingly wishes to stretch a point in consolidating Futteh Jung’s power in fact by as far as supporting him as he possibly can without compromising the Government of India, in such a view he has determined to do no injury to Cabool or the surrounding villages. He has agreed to grant a political amnesty to all engaged in the recent rebellion, whose allegiance to Futteh Jung may seem likely to strengthen the Suddozye power against the Barukzye that is he has sanctioned the invitation to Cabool of the Dooranee Chiefs concerned in the insurrection on the understanding that he will not molest them. He proposes to obtain grain through the Govt authorities paying for the same to Futteh Jung and he further contemplates remaining at Cabool till late in October with a view to placing matters in some working condition prior to our withdrawal all this is I have said is schematically opposed by the views of Gen Nott. The latter has with him sufficient supplies to carry him at once to Jellalabad. He considers therefore that the dignity of the Government having been sufficiently asserted by our triumphant march to this place we should return immediately. There is a passage in Lord Ellenbrough’s dispatches of July 4th which directs the General in the event of reaching Cabool “to leave a permanent mark of British power without impeaching it’s humanity”. An order which the General understands to signify that we destroy the town but to avoid the massacre of the inhabitants. Gen Nott further considers it folly or worse than folly to have attempted any arrangement with Futteh Jung or the Qizilbash and as for the Dooranees who participated in the insurrection they should be hung ... He will hardly permit an Afghan to enter his Camp and he thinks that we should be fully justified in helping ourselves to all the supplies in the different villages as a reprisal for the plunder taken from us in the winter. The General has always declared that if he had his way he would not expend a farthing of money or move a soldier an inch, but he would place all the Qizilbash chiefs in confinement and threaten them with death unless the officers were brought in within a given time."

(H.C. Rawlinson HC7 RGS)

Nott considered all 'Afghans' as uniformly being the enemy when that was not the case since the Qizilbash did not even consider themselves to be Afghan. (p.335 Afghanistan in the Age of Empires, F. Husain 2018)

7. Superficial or non-existent analysis:

i) Surrender of Dost M Khan

Arguments advanced as to why Dost M Khan surrendered were originally produced by Jonathan Lee but Dalrymple, ever the gentleman, does not bother to cite Lee as the source of his inspiration.

ii) The destruction of the Kabul Bazaar:

Dalrymple says that it is ironic that the East India Co came to Afghanistan to develop trade and instead destroyed the greatest bazaar of Central Asia – this is not a new observation and was made by The Times and other contemporary observers. Overall the analysis of events is either superficial or lacking in Dalrymple’s fat door stopper of a book. There is in fact no original analysis in Dalrymple’s book at all.

Orientalist and derogatory views about the role of Afghan women in Combat

According to Dalrymple the role of Afghan women in particular Afridi women in combat was to mutilate the British war dead by cutting their testicles off and stuffing these in the deceased’s mouth citing Allen’s book Soldier Sahibs. (p.467 Return of a King). No positive images of Afghan women in combat are given. In contrast in my book Afghanistan in the Age of Empires I cite an Afghan female engaged in hand to hand combat in the citadel of Ghazni in July 1839 and another female leading Afghan men in a cavalry attack at Zamindawar in May 1842. In essence to cite no positive accounts of Afghan women in the war leads to the conclusion that this British author engaged in a Kiplinesque treatment of Afghan women. Kipling in his poetry well known to the British wrote,

When you’re wounded and left on Afghanistan’s plains,
And the women come out to cut up what remains,
Jest roll to your rifle and blow out your brains
An’ go to your Gawd like a soldier.

Mohammed Akbar Khan by referring to him as "Ruthless"

Page 310 Return of a King Dalrymple refers to Dost Mohammed's “CLEVER AND RUTHLESS SON, Akbar Khan,” – ruthless is not an apt description. Mohammed Akbar Khan cannot be said to have no pity or compassion for others as Dalrymple himself writes on page 401 prisoners account citing Akbar’s care for them. “Lawrence … noting that Akbar gave up his palanquin to Ladies Sale and Macnaghten… When Lawrence told Akbar that the prisoners needed a little money he was immediately offered a thousand rupees: ‘on giving him a receipt for it, he tore it up, saying such things were only required among traders, not between gentlemen’.“ So to claim that Mohammed Akbar Khan is “ruthless” is utter nonsense.

Dalrymple misrepresents a retreating British army from Kabul as 'REFUGEES'!

P.369 Return of a King “They (Afghans) travelled parallel to the British, on both flanks of the column firing parallel into the jostling rabble of refugees they were now driving between them” This is an utterly nonsensical description of a retreating army as “refugees”. Refugees are people who are being forced to flee their country of origin due to e.g. political persecution or ethnic persecution not an army retreating from a country they have occupied illegally. Indeed this British armed force was capable of inflicting harm on Afghans. Mohammed Akbar Khan had promised safe passage to the British out of Afghanistan if they disarmed and handed over their weapons at Kabul but the British refused to abide by this agreement. Dalrymple continues the above sentence with further metaphors portraying the retreating army as defenceless sheep to the slaughter: "they (Afghans) were now driving between them, like shepherds expertly controlling a flock of panicked sheep". I have never seen "sheep" with cannons or rifles. Dalrymple is attempting to very subtly engage the sympathy of the reader with the retreating British army. A soldier has his bayonet and rifle, the writer has words and knows the effect of their words, Dalrymple in this passage condemns himself as being sympathetic to this invasion. There is no surprise here since Dalrymple's wife's ancestor was party to the invasion and some of Dalrymple's distant cousins are related to Sir William Macnaghten. Though Dalrymple himself does not have direct blood links to Sir William Macnaghten. For a man like Dalrymple whose father served in India and generations of his family benefitted from Afghanistan and India there is little surprise that his writing attempts to portray the British invaders as the innocent victims.

In conclusion, Dalrymple’s book does not benefit greatly our shelves groaning under another voluminous work by this writer. Dalrymple should have stuck to writing about India which he loves rather than writing on Afghanistan of which he so obviously lacks the passion for. Therefore my own book Afghanistan in the Age of Empires presents the best and more balanced account of the First Afghan War, with meticulous analysis. Indeed as Professor Mohammed Hassan Kakar states,

"As far as I know no other author has covered Afghan affairs during the first half of the nineteenth century and particularly the First Afghan war in such detail. This work is a major contribution to the field of Afghan studies."

Other acclaimed author's have written the following comments:

"Farrukh Husain captures an aspect of Afghan history others have failed to find. His narrative is rich in Afghan and British archives, which he has painstakingly researched, recreating the story of Imperial Britain's ill-fated attempt to control Afghanistan in the mid-19th Century. In their own words, the key protagonists are brought to life, their thoughts and actions illustrating the complexities of retaining power in this troubled region, the cultural and political issues they faced resonating in the present day."

Victoria Schofield

"Afghanistan in the age of empires is without doubt the most thorough and scholarly work of modern times to consider the fascinating complexities of this ancient history of culture and conflict. Both readable and informative, it draws one down through interwoven layers of history, many of which have been ignored by other historians until now. Making use of source material translated into English for the first time, as well as an inside understanding of events, Farrukh Husain has surpassed all expectations, with a truly extraordinary book".

Tahir Shah

"This book is a treasure of images as well as insights"

Nancy Hatch Dupree

According to William Dalrymple Rev G R Gleig was a Veteran of the first Afghan War but in fact he was just a Victorian writer and not a war veteran at all.

"Meticulous but merciless" according to William Dalrymple but never a more incorrect description of General Pollock.

Here is Reverend G R Gleig's book in which he states on the page misleadingly headlined as an advertisement that he met some veterans of the first Anglo-Afghan war and this led him to write an account of the conflict.

Here we have the second page of the 'advertisement' in which G R Gleig tells us in the preface to his work that he is not a veteran of the 1st Anglo-Afghan war.

Dalrymple errs and claims that the marriage between Warburton and Shah Jahan Begum was voluntary and further errs by claiming that Lynch married the sister of Walu Khan Shamalzai.

Here we have an account from Hostage in Afghanistan by Peter Collister which confirms that the Warburton marriage was a forced marriage.

This page from Hostage in Afghanistan confirms how Warburton married his Afghan Wife through deception and force.

Jan Fishan Khan (ancestor of Nasiruddin Shah, the Bollywood actor)

Sketch of  Syud Mahomed Khan or Jan Fishan Khan of Paghman,  by James Aktkinson ,c.1840

Sayyid Muhammad Shah, the ancestor of Nasiruddin Shah (actor), was from Afghanistan. He collaborated with British invaders during First Anglo-Afghan War (1839-42). He accompanied the defeated British army to India. 

Mrs.Colin Mackenzie (whose husband fought in the First Anglo-Afghan War), describes Sayyid Muhammad Shah (titled Jan Fishan Khan) as the staunch friend of the British invaders. Two of his sons died fighting against Wazir Akbar Khan.

Sayyid Muhammad Shah made himself of use to British even in India. During 1857 war of independence, he raised a lashkar of his dependents, followers and relatives, and went to help the British against Indians. As a reward for his services, he received the title of Nawab from the British.

Muhammad Akbar Khan ( 1816–1845)

Portrait of Akbar Khan. The Illustrated London News, 1842

Afghan–Sikh Wars (1813-1837)

A Clash between Sikhs and Afghans. By Sheikh Basharat Ullah Patiala or Nabha, c1850, Toor Collection

Army of Ranjeet Singh

Ranjeet Singh organized his army on the lines of European pattern. The importance of cavalry decreased and infantry became the most important branch of the structure of the army. He engaged French and Italian officers.

Two European generals , Monsier Ventura and Monsier Allard, arrived at the court of Ranjeet Singh. Monsier Vantura was an Italian by birth , and an infantry colonel in the French service and Monsier Allard was a Frenchman who was also colonel in cavalry. Ranjeet Singh employed them to organize his army on European lines. The tomb of Anarkali was converted into a cantonment and high salaries were fixed for them (Steinberg, Henry, "The Punjab", 1846, p-98). They raised new regiments which were disciplined and drilled after the manner of European cavalry.

The third European general arrived in the court of Ranjeet Singh in 1825. It was Monsier Court who had received his training at Ploytech institution at Paris. He served Martial Bassiers in Spain as Aid-de-camp. The fourth general was Italian by birth, Monsier Avitabile , entered into the service of Ranjeet Singh.

Ranjeet Singh also extended employment to the ex-naiks and deserting sepoys and native officers of the East India Company's service.

Ranjeet Singh had a large and well-disciplined army. It consisted of thirty-one regiments of infantry , nine regiments of cavalry, the hundred and eighty eight pieces of artillery of various caliber. Nearly one-half of his regular army was commanded by the French and other European officers and the rest by his native officers.

Besides these troops, there were also forces of irregulars in his army, furnished by Jagirdars. The annual expenditure incurred by the Maharaja in the payment of his regular army was Rs.1,27,96,482.

Soldiers were armed and clothed by the state, and with the exception of two or three battalions commanded by English officers, were organized according to the French system. The men comprising the army were almost entirely Sikhs. Some European officers served in both the civil and military administration of Ranjeet Singh. General Ventura and General Avitabile held civil charges in addition to their military responsibilities. Ventura served as the governor of Multan and Avitabile held civil charges as governor of Wazirabad and later of Peshawar. Merlom, the American, was governor of Jearata and later of Gujrat. John Holmes served as the governor of Gujrat.

Ranjeet Singh payed special attention to the development of armoury of cannons. He installed factories for this purpose and engaged skillful persons in these factories till 1839. There were found hundred and seventy persons with five thousand men to operate these factories in Ranjeet Singh army, the most important among them were Ilahi Bakhsh, Ghaus Khan, Sardar Lehanah Singh etc..In March 1839, the Maharaja appointed Gnaga Ram as the paymaster of the irregular forces. In 1806 Ranjeet Singh appointed Mokham Chand , a Khatri, as the chief of his army. He served from 1806 to 1814 the year in which he died.

In addition to the regular and irregular army, the Lahore government had also on its pay a body of irregular cavalry called Akhalees. They were religious fanatics.

Guards of the Fauj-i-Khas Guard Ranjit Singh's Durbar Bishan Singh, Lahore, 1864, Toor Collection

Battle of Chach (1813)

In 1813 the Attock fort was in charge of Jahandad Khan Barakzai. The latter turned traitor and sold the fort to Sikhs for one lakh of rupees. Thus Ranjit Singh came into possession of Attock fort without any fight and the boundary of his kingdom extended up to the eastern bank of Indus river. Ranjit Singh garrisoned the fort with a large Khalsa army.

Fateh Khan Barakzai (elder brother of Dost Muhammad Khan who later became the Amir of Afghanistan) was shocked to hear this news. He rushed back and besieged the Attock fort after handing over the affairs of Kashmir to his brother Azim Khan. Karam Chand with a big force from Lahore and Mokham Chand from Burhan (near Hasan Abdal), reached Attock. The Afghans took a heavy toll on the Khalsa army by the night raids and skirmishes. Mokham Chand waited for the setting in of the hot weather. At last, on 13th of July 1813, both the armies fought a fierce battle at Hazru on the Indus, five miles from the fort. The Pashtun cavalry was led by Dost Muhammad Khan Barakzai. By a determined and resolute charge on the Sikh artillery under Ghous Khan, he captured some Khalsa guns. The Sikhs were almost routed , but for the intense heat which exhausted the Pashtuns. Fateh Khan , believing Dost Muhammad Khan had been killed , left the field. The Sikhs occupied Khairabad. This was the first battle in which the Sikhs had beaten Afghans west of Jehlum. [History of Pathans, Vol-I,p-191]








Ranjeet Singh's second invasion of Kashmir

In October 1813, Ranjit Singh, supported by his allies , invaded Kashmir for the second time . The local Kashmiri rajas, under the leadership of Raja Agar Khan, joined him. He met his first stiff resistance at Bahram Galla Pass by Wazir Ruhullah Khan. Ranjeet Singh bypassed him. Raja Agar Khan of Rajauri led the Khalsa to the rear of Ruhullah Khan through a different route. Because of heavy snow and rain Ranjit Singh could not cross the Pir Panjal Pass and on 26th December returned to Lahore. [Reference: "History of Punjab" by Syed Muhammad Lateef, "History of Pathans", Vol-I, Haroon Rashid, p-191]


Defeat of Khalsa in the third attempt to conquer Kashmir (1814)

In 1814 Ranjeet Singh invaded Kashmir for the third time. Guided by Raja Agar Khan of Rajauri , the Khalsa entered Kashmir via two routes, the main force under Ranjit Singh via Punch and Toshu Maidan Pass, and the secondary column under Ram Dayal Singh (son of Mokham Chand) , by Bahram Galla route viz.Supin into the valley. The secondary column occupied Bahram Galla on 18th June 1814 . Next day , guided by Namdar Khan Thakkar (a Kashmiri Muslim), they crossed Pir Panjal by the Sarai and Madpur pass. They occupied Hirpur dislodging the Pashtun detachment. Azim Khan Barakzai counter-attacked Hirpur and failed. The Sikhs advanced , and on 24th June occupied the area around Supin. However , Shakur Khan, the local chief , strongly defended the town. Azim Khan brought in fresh cavalry that completely routed Sikhs , killing many of their leaders , namely Jiwan Mal and Fateh Singh Chahchi. The adverse weather conditions further took a heavy toll on them. The main body under Ranjeet Singh also suffered a similar fate. Ranjeet reached Punch on 28th Jun. By mid of July he occupied Mandi and Tosho Maidan , on the outskirts of the valley. Azim Khan had already taken positions in the area. It was here that Ranjeet Singh come to know about the disaster of secondary column. He immediately sent Bhai Ram Singh and Diwan Devi Das with 5000 men. Soon after the departure of the reinforcements for the secondary column on 9th July , Azim Khan attacked Ranjit Singh. The Sikhs were utterly defeated . Ranjit Singh started a withdrawal that soon turned into a rout. He lost the elite of his army including Mit Singh Padhania , Gur Baksh Singh Dhari and Desa Singh Mann. After having been stripped of all his provisions and suffering heavily in men, he retreated to Lahore. [Reference: "History of Punjab" by Syed Muhammad Lateef, "History of the Pathans" , Vol-I, by Haroon Rashid, p-192]

Sikh invasion of Peshawar (1818)

Ranjeet Singh exploited the commotion and chaotic conditions then prevalent in Afghanistan and he marched towards Attock in October 1818 with a view to annex Peshawar. The Khattaks had murdered Bawa Phaddi , his agent at Attock. The Sikhs advanced guard , under Phula Singh Akali and Metab Singh , defeated the Khattaks led by Firoz Khan and Najibullah Khan , the local Khattak chiefs. The Sikhs occupied Khairabad and Jahangira. On 20th November , Ranjit Singh entered Peshawar. Yar Muhammad Khan Barakzai fled to Khyber. Bala Hisar and a neighboring village , Chamkani, the home of Shaikh Umar, were burnt by Sikhs. After three days of his stay in Peshawar, he appointed Jahandad Khan Wazir Khel , who earlier had sold to him the Attock fort , as the governor of Peshawar. Soon after Ranjit Singh left Peshawar for Lahore , Dost Muhammad Khan Barakzai drove out Jahandad Khan. Subsequently , on arrival of the Sikh force, Dost Muhammad Khan, through the good offices of his agents , managed to retain Peshawar as a principality of Lahore Darbar.   [Reference: History of the Pathans" , Vol-I, by Haroon Rashid, p-197]

Ranjit Singh with son Hira Singh,~ 1838-40

Ranjit Singh's fourth invasion of Kashmir and defeat of Pashtuns (1819)

In 1819 Azim Khan left for Kabul to help his elder brother Fateh Khan to gain the throne in Kabul. At that time Kabul was in the midst of a civil strife. He left his brother Jabbar Khan to govern Kashmir. Azim Khan had taken a large portion force of the troops to Kabul. In April 1819, Ranjit Singh invaded Kashmir for the fourth time. Two columns under Dewan Chand and Prince Kharak Singh headed for Kashmir. Ranjit Singh himself commanded the reserve division that trailed behind the advancing columns. Rahimullah Khan , son of Raja Agar Khan of Rajauri, joined the Sikhs. On 23rd June , Dewan Chand occupied Bahram Galla. The local Kashmiri thanedars of Punch and Supin, Mir Muhammad and Muhammad Ali, deserted to Sikh side. The Pro-Sikh Raja Rahimullah Khan induced other local Rajas including Namdar Khan to join the Sikhs against the Pashtuns. Pandat Bayuobil , an influential Hindu of the area , provided secret information to the Sikhs about Jabbar Khan's weak points.

A large Sikh army crossed Pir Panjal Pass and entered the valley. Jabbar Khan, with 5,000 men and with his generals waited for the Sikh army at Hirapur. He surprised the Sikh forces at Pir Panjal and had almost routed them when he got seriously wounded and left the battlefield. The Afghans followed him . They had lost their leaders, namely, Mehr Dil Khan and Malik Akhor Samand Khan . Jabbar Khan fled in disorder to Kabul via Baramula. The Sikhs captured the whole valley. 

He informed Ranjit Singh that Azim Khan was no longer leading the Durrani forces in Kashmir, and supplied information on invasion routes into Kashmir. On 3 July 1819, the Sikh army attempted to march through Shopian to Srinagar but was stopped by a Durrani army headed by Jabbar Khan. Although both sides sustained heavy losses, Jabbar Khan and his army retreated from the battlefield and fled in disorder from Kashmir over the Indus river. [Reference: "History of Punjab" by Syed Muhammad Lateef, p.415-16, History of the Pathans" , Vol-I, by Haroon Rashid, p-197]


Battle of Nowshera (1823)

Muhammad Azim Khan Barakzai did not approve of the policy of his brothers at Peshawar . In the beginning of 1823, he came to Peshawar . Yar Muhammad Khan fled to Yousafzai territory. Ranjit Singh sent his army under Prince Sher Singh . Later, Hari Singh Nalwa, Dewan Kirpa Ram, Sardar Atar Singh and Dhabi Singh reinforced him. The Sikhs defeated the Durranis at Jahangira and occupied the Jahangira fort. Muhammad Azim Khan gave a call for Jihad against the invaders. The  Khattaks and Yousafzais , under Akhund Abdul Ghafoor of Swat , gathered on Tarakae hills , about twenty miles from Attock. The Sikh advance was halted . On 13th March, Ranjit Singh along with prince Kharak Singh and Dewan Chand also reached the area.

Meanwhile , Muhammad Azim Khan, Dost Muhammad Khan and Jabbar Khan took up positions at Nowshera. Ranjit Singh knew the Durrani chief's mutual mistrusts and dis-loyalties. He was aware of their avaricious , ambitious and treacherous character. He preferred bribery to battle , and induced Sultan Muhammad and other Peshawar Sardars to get rid of Azim Khan. They gladly listened to him. Dost Muhammad came to know about the plot and readily joined it. The Yousafzais and Khattaks had taken up positions on the left bank under Samad Khan,  brother of Azim Khan ; Zaman Khan, nephew of Azim Khan ; and Firoz Khan Khattak. Syed Akbar Shah of the family of Pir Baba of Buner was the overall commander of the men on the left bank. Muhammad Azim Khan with regular army was on the right bank. Ranjit Singh fixed Azim Khan by a contingent under General Allard and Ventura , and himself , with the main force, fell upon the local Pashtuns on the left bank. A fierce fight ensued in which the Khattaks killed Sat Gur Sahae and Colonel Maha Singh. The famous Phula Singh, the desperado, was sent to charge the Pashtuns. The Pashtuns repulsed the Sikh charge killing the Sikh hero Phula Singh.

Ranjit Singh, with his reserves, led a fresh attack in person. The Pashtuns blunted his fresh drive but by the evening half of the Pashtuns had perished. A Sikh contingent had moved to their rear and they were thus surrounded. The Sikh artillery played havoc with them. Sword in hand , they fell upon the Sikh artillery and engaged it in a hand to hand fight. Thousands of them fell martyrs. The Sikhs dislodged the remnants. Among the other Sikh leaders , namely, Gharba Singh Manas, Karam Singh Chahal and Balab Dhar Singh , a Gurkha General , were killed. The last stand was made at sunset by a party of 200 Yusufzai , who fell gallantly fighting. According to Captain Wade, Sikhs suffered 2000 killed and the Pashtuns about 3000 killed. Not deterred by the casualties , the Pashtuns reappeared on the scene on the following day , led by Syed Akbar Shah . Near Pir Sabak, they engaged the Sikhs and almost routed them had it not been for the final charge led by Ranjit Singh himself. Thousands of them fell in battle . Ranjit Singh had spread the rumour that the Sikhs had captured the harem and treasure of Azim Khan Barakzai at Michini. This precipitated Azim Khan's retreated. He left every one in the lurch and fled to Michini , took his harem and treasure, and retired to Kabul. The local Pashtuns, without support and guidance, reluctantly dispersed. The next day Ranjit Singh occupied the fort of Hashtnagar. On 17th March 1823, he entered Peshawar for the second time. The Sikhs resorted to massacre on grand scale. Reportedly, since the term 'Sikha Shahi' meaning 'might is right' has been coined. The locals ambushed the columns and cut off the Sikh stragglers , making their stay most unsafe and insecure. It was the individual effort of the local Pashtuns that forced the Sikhs to vacate Peshawar soon after they occupied it. Ranjit thought it more prudent to hold a meeting with Dost Muhammad Khan and Yar Muhammad Khan who presented valuable gifts including the famous horse 'Gaur Bar' or 'Shower of Pearls'. The pleased Maharaja gave them back Peshawar as tributary to the Lahore Darbar. However, he divided the territory between the two brothers so that they remained hostile to each other, to the greater interest of Sikhs. After making the arrangements , he returned to Lahore on 26th April 1823. Azim Khan didnt long survive this defeat , and at his death Dost Muhammad obtained the chief authority at Kabul .[References: History of the Pathans" , Vol-I, by Haroon Rashid, p-197, Gazetteer of the Peshawar District, 1897-98, page-65]

A Yousafzai horseman, c.1840, British Library

Portrait of Sikh hero Phula Singh

End of Barakzai rule in Peshawar (1834)

Ranjit Singh made use of the opportunity to annex Peshawar permanently when Dost Muhammad Khan was busy fighting Shah Shuja in Kandahar. He sent Prince Nao Nehal Singh , accompanied by General Ventura from Lahore and Sardar Hari Singh Nalwa from Hazara to Peshawar. They crossed the Indus in April 1834. Apparently, the force had been sent to receive the annual tribute. The Barakzai Sardars had sent their families and valuables to Michni. They themselves remained behind with their horses ready to flee. The remnants of the old Ghulam Khana of Peshawar , who were mostly Shia, were not happy with Barakzai rule , secretly corresponded with Hari Singh and so did the chief  Hindu Dewan of the city. Hari Singh, finding every thing in his favour , marched on the city. Sardar Sultan Muhammad Khan and his brother Pir Muhammad Khan fled from Peshawar to Tehkal and Shiekhan at the foot of the hills. He later moved over to Kohat with three lac of Rupees. Their nephew Abdul Ghias Khan son of Jabbar Khan and his naib, Haji Khan stayed behind. They put up some resistance. There were several instances of individual bravery on the part of the Pashtuns. However, the Sikhs on 6th May, occupied the city and Bala Hisar without significant resistance. The local Pashtuns continued taking heavy tolls on the Sikhs. Ranjit had to send Kanwar Kashmira Singh and Sardar Tej Singh from Lahore to Peshawar and later, he himself came to control the sitaution. Dost Muhammad Khan (in 1835) , camped at the foot of the hills near Sheikhan. The local Pashtun tribes , who had gathered to wage a 'Jihad' against the infidels , accompanied him. General Harlan, who saw this strange congeries of Musalman humanity , wrote ;

"Savages from the remotest recesses of the mountainous districts, who were dignified with the profession of the Mahomedan faith , many giants in form and strength , promisciously armed with sword and shield , bows and arrows, matchlocks, rifles, spears and blunderbusses , concentrated themeselves around the standard of religion , and were prepared to slay , plunder and destroy , for the sake of God and the Prophet , the unenlightened infidels of the Punjab"

Ranjit Singh decided not to face Dost Muhammad Khan openly in the field. He had an American mercenary named Harlan used as an agent in subverting the loyalties of Durrani chiefs. He says of Dost Muhammad Khan's visit to Peshawar , which occurred during the period of his service with Ranjit Singh ;

" I was dispatched by the Prince as ambassador to the Amir. I divided his brothers against him, exciting their jealousy of his growing power , and exasperating the family feuds with which, from my previous acquaintance, I was familiar , and stirred up the feudal lords of his darbar , with the prospects pecuniary advantages. I induced his brother , Sultan Mohammad Khan, with 10,000 retainers , lately disposed chief of Peshawar to withdraw suddenly from his camp about nightfall. The chief accompanied me towards the Sikh camp , whilst his followers fled to their mountain fastness."

"So large a body retiring from the Amir's control , in opposition to his will and without previous intimation, threw the general camp into inextricable confusion, which terminated in the clandestine rout of his forces , without beat of drum , or sound of bugle , or the trumpet's blast , in the quiet stillness of midnight. At daybreak no vestige of the Afghan camp was seen , where six hours before 50,000 men and 10,000 horses , with all the busty host of attendents , were rife with the tumult of wild emotion."

Ranjit Singh consolidated his position in the area. On his order Hari Singh constructed a strong fort on the site of the old Bala Hisar. Many more forts were constructed in the area , including those at Kohat, Jamrud and Bannu. [Reference: History of the Pathans" , Vol-I, by Haroon Rashid, pp-201-203]

Dost Muhammad Khan Barakzai, 1841

Battle of Jamrud (1837)

The presence of Sikhs at Jamrud caused concern to Dost Muhammad Khan who took it as a prelude to further expansion into Jalalabad valley. He deputed his confidential minister Mirza Sami Khan to organize resistance with the help of local Pashtun tribes. The forces thus collected was headed by Dost Muhammad Khan's five sons, namely , Muhammad Amir Afzal Khan, Muhammad Akbar Khan, Ghulam Haider Khan , Muhammad Azam Khan and Muhammad Akram Khan. In the plains Mir Alam Khan of Bajaur , Saadat Khan Mohmand of Lalpura along with Haji Khan were to engage the Sikh garrison of Lehna Singh Sindhianwala at Doaba and Hashtnagar.

On 30th April 1837, the Pashtun lashkar attacked the Sikh garrison in Jamrud fort. The Afridis and Mullahgoris attacked their flanks and the Afghan army engaged the center. The Sikhs suffered heavily . Afghans were taken by surprise when Hari Singh suddenly appeared with an army of about ten thousand men, twenty pieces of artillery, and a great quantity of ammunition and provisions and made an attack on them, Afghans were thrown into confusion and began to flee. When the Pashtuns were chased by the Sikhs, Shamsuddin Khan reached the scene, with reinforcements. The fleeing Pashtuns turned back and engaged the Sikhs with fresh vigour and ferocity. Hari Singh Nalwa was killed in the battle. The Sikhs were thoroughly defeated and took refuge in the fort. Akbar Khan proposed to follow up the victory by dashing to Peshawar but the Mirza, who, according to Mr.Masson, had during the action ;

"....secreted himself in some cave or sheltered recess , where in despair, he sobbed, beat his breast, tore his beard, and knocked his head upon the ground , now made his appearance, declaring that his prayers had been accepted , and entreated the boasting young men to be satisfied with what he had done"   

In Hashtnagar, the Pashtuns led by Haji Khan , Mir Alam Khan of Bajaur, Saadat Khan of Lalpura and Syed Baba Jan of Kunar attacked the Sikhs. The attack failed and the fort was besieged. However , due to connivance of Sardar Sultan Muhammad Khan and Pir Muhammad Khan , who were then at Lahore, in attendance on Ranjit Singh , the Bajaur, Kunar and Yousafzai chiefs deserted. Consequently, Haji Khan and Saadat Khan also dispersed. Dost Muhammad Khan had realized that due to the internal intrigues and strife , he could not present a unified and well-knit force against the Sikhs and that without British aid, he was not in a position to recover his lost territory east of Khyber. Accordingly, he wrote to Auckland , the Governor General of India , for help against the Sikhs. The latter advised him reconciliation with Ranjit Singh and suggested commercial dealings with the British India. Lord Auckland's reply disappointed the Amir who approached Russians for help to defend his eastern frontiers. At the same time, he severed his relations with the Government of India. [Reference: History of the Pathans" , Vol-I, by Haroon Rashid, pp-203-205]

Jamrud fort , 1861